A   TEXT-BOOK   OF   SOCIOLOGY 


f&&& 


A  TEXT-BOOK   OF 
SOCIOLOGY 


BY 


JAMES   QUAYLE    DEALEY,  Ph.D. 

PROFESSOR  OF  SOCIAL  AND   POLITICAL   SCIENCE  IN  BROWN 
UNIVERSITY 

AND 

LESTER   FRANK   WARD,  LL.D. 

OF  THE  SMITHSONIAN  INSTITUTION   AT  WASHINGTON,  D.C. 


Nefo  Iforfe 
THE   MACMILLAN    COMPANY 

LONDON:   MACMILLAN   &  CO.,   Ltd. 
1909 

All  rights  reserved 


Copyright,  1905, 
By  THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 


Set  up  and  electrotyped.     Published  July,  1905. 
July,  1907  ;  September,  1909. 


Reprinted 


NnrfaooD  tyusa 

J.  S.  Cushing  Co.  —  Berwick  &  Smith  Co. 

Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


t 


1  30  g 


PREFACE 

This  work  is  the  outcome  of  a  demand  for  a  short 
text-book  that  would  contain  in  essence  a  clear  and 
concise  statement  of  the  field  of  sociology,  its  scien- 
tific basis,  its  principles  as  far  as  these  are  at  present 
known,  and  its  purposes. 

In  the  preparation  of  this  book  emphasis  has  been 
placed  on  three  points :  first,  on  the  social  forces 
as  the  dynamic  agent  working  unconsciously  toward 
natural  individual  ends  and  consciously  toward  collec- 
tive achievement  under  the  direction  of  the  intellect; 

~j     second,  on  the  importance  of  material  achievement 
as  the  basis  of  psychical  development,  and  on  the 

h-    necessity   of   systematic   general   instruction   in   the 
fundamental  principles  of  knowledge  as  a  basis  for 

£3    right  social  life ;    and  third,  on  the  arrangement  of 

<*>    the  material  so  as  to  facilitate  its  use  for  purposes 
of  reading  clubs  and  classes. 

The  work  is  based  fundamentally  on  Pure  soci- 
ology, but  is  in  no  respect  a  mere  condensation 
of  it.  Using  the  material  of  this  larger  and  more 
complete  work  as  a  basis,  and  supplementing  it  by 
numerous  references  to  Dr.  Ward's  other  sociologi- 
cal writings,  an  attempt  has  been  made  to  prepare 
a  sort  of  handbook  containing  in  epitome  the  essen- 
tial elements  of  a  system  of  sociology. 


4<>Q^{f 


VI 


Preface 


It  is,  of  course,  fully  admitted  that  other  writers 
looking  at  the  subject  from  a  different  standpoint 
may  reach  conclusions  somewhat  unlike  those  here 
advanced,  but  each  contribution  toward  sociological 
theorizing  has  its  own  special  value,  and  adds  to  the 
sum  total  of  scientific  knowledge. 

Obviously  the  real  justification  for  such  elementary 
text-books  in  sociology  must  be  found  in  the  desire 
to  present,  in  simple  and  popular  form,  those  sci- 
entific principles  that  must  ultimately  be  used  as 
guides  for  collective  activity.  Action  based  on  accu- 
rate knowledge  is  the  keystone  to  social  attainment. 

Special  acknowledgment  is  made  to  Professor  George 
Grafton  Wilson  of  Brown  University  for  many  kindly 
and  valuable  suggestions. 

J.  Q.  DEALEY. 

LESTER  F.  WARD. 
February  15,  1905. 


CONTENTS 

(The  number  preceding  each  topic  is  that  of  the  paragraph  in  the  text) 

PAGE 

Preface      . v 

Bibliography xix 


INTRODUCTION 

CHAPTER   I 

THE  SCIENCE    OF  SOCIOLOGY 

I.  Man  unsocial  by  nature.  2.  Human  and  animal  societies 
contrasted.  3.  Pure  and  applied  sociology.  4.  Mathe- 
matical sociology.  5.  Meaning  of  the  term  science.  6.  So- 
ciology a  science.  7.  The  progress  of  science.  8.  Progress 
of  sociology X 

CHAPTER  II 
CLASSIFICATION  OF   THE  SCIENCES 

9.  Serial  classification.  10.  Comte's  classification.  II.  The  true 
order  of  study.  12.  Synoptical  classification.  13.  Filia- 
tion.     14.  Basal  sciences  for  sociology        ....         7 

15.   Sytnpodial  development : 

16.  In  botany.     17.  In  evolution.     18.  In  human  history. 

19.  Anthropologic  sympodes.     20.  National  decadence      .       II 

CHAPTER   III 

DATA   OF  SOCIOLOGY 

21.  Classification  of  data.     22.  The  general  sciences.     23.  The 
requirement  of  a  general  education.     24.  The  special  social 
sciences.     25.  Sociology  and  economics.     26.  Relations  to 
vii 


viii  Contents 


other  sciences.     27.  Purpose  of  sociological  study.     28.  Im- 
portance of  sociology  .......       16 

CHAPTER   IV 

METHODOLOGY 

29.  Importance  of  method.  30.  Logical  sequence  of  ideas. 
31.  Science  as  a  domain  of  laws.  32.  Generalization  : 
33.  In  anthropology.  34.  In  great  primary  wants  and 
passions.  35.  Law  in  history.  36.  The  laiv  of parsimony  : 
37.  Shown  in  the  pursuit  of  interests  ....       24 

CHAPTER  V 

THE  SUBJECT-MATTE  J?   OF  SOCIOLOGY 

38.  Human  achievement.  39.  The  natural  history  of  man. 
40.  History  of  culture.  41.  Distinction  between  organic 
and  social  evolution.  42.  What  is  civilization  ?  43.  Utili- 
zation of  force  and  matter.  44.  Material  wealth.  45.  In- 
ventions as  achievements.  46.  Tools  of  the  mind.  47.  The 
industrial  arts.  48.  Protective  achievements.  49.  Human 
institutions  as  achievements.  50.  Social  continuity :  51.  In 
historic  races  only.  52.  Achievement  through  knowledge. 
53.  Genius.  54.  Pessimism.  55.  The  love  of  achievement. 
56.  The  immortality  of  deeds 32 

PART    I 

ORIGIN   AND   CLASSIFICATION   OF   THE 
SOCIAL   FORCES 

CHAPTER  VI 

CREATIVE  SYNTHESIS 

57.  Definition.  58.  Creation.  59.  Social  ideals.  60.  The  poetic 
idea.  61.  Poesis.  62.  Genesis.  63.  Each  science  a  crea- 
tive synthesis.  64.  Sociology  also.  65.  The  social  mind  a 
synthesis.  66.  Synthetic  creations  of  nature.  67.  Cosmic 
creations.  68.  Products  and  properties.  69.  Development 
sympodial.     70.  Filiation  of  the  sciences    ....       48 


Contents  ix 


CHAPTER   VII 

THE  DYNAMIC  AGENT 

I.    The  Feelings 

PAGE 

71.  Two  prime  agents  in  society.  72.  Cosmic  forces.  73.  Social 
force.  74.  Psychic  forces.  75.  Psychological  basis  of 
sociology.  76.  The  feelings  subjective.  77.  Appetition. 
78.  Desire.  79.  Philosophy  of  desire.  80.  Original  de- 
sires. 81.  Derivative  desires.  82.  Biological  origin  of  the 
subjective  faculties 60 

II.    The  Conative  Faculty 
83.  Energy  of  nature.      84.    Mind  force.      85.    Desire  a  force. 

86.  The  emotions  as  forces 69 

III.  The  Soul 

87.  Meaning  of  the  term.     88.  Its  function  .         .  71 

IV.  The  Will 

89.  Meaning    of    the    term.       90.    Optimism    and    pessimism. 

91.  Meliorism 73 

CHAPTER   VIII 

CLASSIFICATION  OF  THE  SOCIAL  FORCES 

92.  Basis  of  classification.  93.  Choice  of  terms.  94.  Classifica- 
tion. 95.  Meaning  of  terms.  96.  Relationships  among 
the  social  forces.  97.  Paradoxes.  98.  Relative  value  of 
feeling  and  function.  99.  Enjoyment  as  an  end.  100.  Fear 
of  natural  phenomena.     101.  Utilization  of  social  forces    .       76 


PART    II 

NATURE   OF   THE    SOCIAL   FORCES 

CHAPTER  IX 

THE    ONTOGENETIC  FORCES 

102.  The  struggle  for  subsistence  ......       86 


x  Contents 

I.    Exploitation 

PAGE 

103.  Cannibalism.  104.  Slavery.  105.  Labor.  106.  Forced 
labor.  107.  Labor  under  the  lash.  108.  The  ruling 
classes 87 

II.    Property 
109.  Communal.    1 10.  Origin  of  individual  property.    III.  Rights 
in  property.      112.   Property  as  wealth.      113.  Pursuit  of 
wealth  the  mainspring  of  activity       .....       92 

III.     Production 
114.  Slave  production.     115.  Machinofacture.     116.  Importance 

of  production 95 

IV.    Social  Distribution 
117.  The  surplus.      118.   The  Ricardian  law.       119.   Causes  of 

social  distribution 97 

V.    Consumption 
120.  Animal  consumption.    121.  Palatableness  of  food.    122.  Pro- 
tective wants.     1 23.  Influence  of  comfort  on  development. 
124.  Physical  importance  of  ample  nutrition.     125.  Nutri- 
tion essential  to  mental  superiority IOO 


CHAPTER  X 
THE  PHYLOGENETIC  FORCES 

126.  Two  theories  of  sex  relationship 106 

127.  I.   The  Androcentric  Theory   .        .        .    107 

II.    The  Gyn^ecocentric  Theory 

128.  Female  sex  primary.     129.  Biological  development  of  the 

male.      130.  Gynsecocracy.      131.  Androcracy.     132.  An- 
dreclexis.     133.  Subjugation  of  woman     ....     107 

III.    Classification  of  the  Phylogenetic  Forces 

134.  Classification 112 

(1)  Natural  Love  : 

135.  Definition.     136.  Purity  of  natural  love.     137.  Regulation. 

138.  Celibacy.     139.  Natural  love  a  social  necessity  .     113 


Contents  xi 


(2)  Romantic  Love: 

140.  Worth  of  social  feelings.  141.  Development  of  emotional 
centers.  142.  Beginnings  of  romantic  love.  143.  Am- 
pheclexis.  144.  Natura  naturans.  145.  Function  of 
romantic  love.     146.  Its  influence  on  social  organization  .     116 

(3)  Conjugal  Love  : 

147.  Essential  quality  of  conjugal  love.  148.  Monogamy  neces- 
sary. 149.  Equality  of  the  sexes  essential.  150.  Morality 
of  monogamy.     151.  Social  influence  of  conjugal  love      .     123 

(4)  Maternal  Love  : 

152.  Meaning  of  the  term.     153.  Maternal  love  a  conservative 

principle.     154.  Its  coming  importance     .         .         .         .127 

(5)  Consanguineal  Love  : 

155.  Love  of  kindred.     156.  Its  social  influence         .        .        .     130 


CHAPTER   XI 
THE   SOCIOGENETIC  FORCES 

157.  Classification 132 

I.    The  Moral  Forces 

158.  Two  kinds 133 

(1)  Race  Morality  : 

159.  Based  on  race  preservation.     160.  Race  morality  as  custom. 

161.  Essential  nature  of  race  morality       ....     133 

(2)  Lndividual  Morality  : 

162.  Altruism.  163.  Sympathy.  164.  Distinction  between  al- 
truism and  sympathy 136 

(3)  Ethical  Dualism  : 

165.  Altruism  a  relative  term.  166.  Broadening  of  altruism. 
167.  Humanitarianism.  168.  Philozoism.  169.  Love  of 
nature.     170.  Ethical  monism 138 

II.    The  Esthetic  Forces 

171.  Three  stages  of  development.  172.  Imitation  and  imagi- 
nation. 173.  Art.  174.  Symmetry  in  art.  175.  Modern 
idea  of  art.  176.  Art  a  socializing  agency.  177.  Art  as 
an  end  in  itself.     178.  Social  value  of  art  ...     142 


xii  Contents 

III.    The  Intellectual  Forces 

PACK 

179.  Intellectual  feeling.  180.  (1)  Acquirement  of  knowledege. 
181.  (2)  Discovery  of  truth  :  182.  Interest  in  the  discov- 
ery of  truth.  183.  Generalization.  184.  (3)  Impartation 
of  information.  185.  The  savage  mind.  186.  The  leisure 
class.  187.  Democracy.  188.  Place  of  religion  in  intel- 
lectual development.  189.  Kidd's  Social  evolution. 
190.  Religion  and  science  ......     148 

PART    III 

ACTION   OF   THE   SOCIAL   FORCES   IN   THE 

SPONTANEOUS  DEVELOPMENT   OF 

SOCIETY 

CHAPTER   XII 

SOCIAL  STATICS 

191.  Social  mechanics.     192.  Classification.     193.  The  dynamic 

agent 159 

I.  The  Principle  of  Synergy 
194.  Definition.  195.  Cosmic  dualism.  196.  Effects  of  cosmic 
dualism  in  the  social  world.  197.  True  nature  of  synergy. 
198.  Illustrated  by  artificial  structures.  199.  Synergy  in 
the  formation  of  organic  structures.  200.  Structure  and 
function  contrasted.  201.  Structure  and  function  statical. 
202.  Social  structures.     203.  Struggle  for  structure  .         .161 

II.    The  Social  Order 
204.  Definition.      205.  Human  institutions.      206.  Primary  and 
secondary   institutions :     207.   Marriage.      208.    Religion. 
209.   Law.      210.    Morality.      211.    Political   institutions. 
212.  Language.     213.  The  nature  of  social  structures       .     169 

CHAPTER   XIII 

SOCIAL  STATICS  {Continued) 

III.     Social  Assimilation 

214.  Original    heterogeneity.       215.   Causes    of    heterogeneity. 

216.  Imitation  and  invention.     217.  Expansion.     218.  So- 


Contents  xiii 

PAGE 

cial  differentiation.  219.  The  horde.  220.  The  golden 
age.  221.  Its  duration.  222.  Social  integration.  223.  Pro- 
cess of  integration.  224.  The  struggle  of  races.  225.  Con- 
quest and  subjugation 176 

IV.  Social  Karyokinesis 
226.  The  stages  in  amalgamation  :  227.(1)  Caste.  228.  (2)  Ine- 
quality. 229.  (3)  Law.  230.  (4)  The  juridical  state. 
231.  (5)  Formation  of  a  people:  232.  Interest  unites. 
233.  Other  influences.  234.  Social  chemistry.  235.  (6) 
The  nation 185 

V.    Compound  Assimilation 
236.  Compound  races.     237.  The  lower  races      ....     193 

238.  VI.    Pacific  Assimilation        .        .        .    197 

CHAPTER  XIV 
SOCIAL  DYNAMICS 

239.  Definition.    240.  Dynamic  movements.    241.  Social  progress. 

242.  Social  stagnation.  243.  Social  degeneration.  244.  So- 
cial instability 199 

DYNAMIC  PRINCIPLES 

245.  Definition  of  these  principles 208 

I.    Difference  of  Potential 

246.  Definition.      247.  The  principle  of  sex.      248.  Asexual  re- 

production. 249.  Crossing  of  strains.  250.  Effect  of 
uniform  environment.  251.  Mingling  of  cultures.  252. 
Progress  as  the  result.  253.  "Dynamic  density."  254.  In- 
fluence of  war  on  human  progress.  255.  Western  civiliza- 
tion.    256.  Theory  of  dominant  races        ....     208 

CHAPTER  XV 

DYNAMIC  PRINCIPLES  {Continued) 

II.    Innovation 

257.  Fortuitous  variation.  258.  Social  innovation.  259.  Inno- 
vation through  the  leisure  class.  260.  "  Instinct  of  work- 
manship."    261.  Final  criterion  of  a  dynamic  action  .     217 


xiv  Contents 

III.    Conation 

PAGE 

262.  Explanation  of  the  term.  263.  Transformation  of  the  en- 
vironment. 264.  Social  progress  not  desired.  265.  Effort 
the  dynamic  principle.  266.  Dynamic  effects  are  social. 
267.  Matter  dynamic         .......     222 

PART   IV 

ORIGIN   AND   NATURE   OF   THE   TELIC   AGENT 

CHAPTER  XVI 
THE  DIRECTIVE  AGENT 
Introduction 
268.  Social  progress.     269.  The  pessimistic  attitude.     270.  The 

error  of  pessimism 228 

I.    The  Objective  Faculties 
271.  Classification    of   sensations.       272.   Indifferent    sensation. 

273.  Sensation.      274.  Steps  in  the  mental  process  .         .     230 

II.    Control  of  the  Dynamic  Agent 
275.  The  two  agencies  of  society.     276.  The  genetic  and  the  telic 
methods   contrasted.       277.    The   two   classes   of  social 
phenomena 233 

III.    The  Final  Cause 

278.  The  efficient  cause.      279.  The  final  cause.      280.  Telesis. 

281.  Thought  utilizing  force 235 

IV.    The  Method  of  Mind 
282.  Prodigality  of  nature.     283.  Telic  economy.     284.  Impor- 
tance of  the  directive  agent 238 

CHAPTER   XVII 

THE    GENESIS   OF  MIND 

285.  The  intellect.      286.   (1)   Indifferent  sensation.      287.  (2) 

Tenia tion  and  intuition.     288.   (3)  Intuitive  perception  .     241 


Contents  xv 


(4)  Intuitive  Reason  : 
289.  What  is  meant  by  animal  reason.     290.  Illustrations  of  in- 
tuitive reasoning 245 

(  5  )  Indirectio  n  : 
291.  Meaning  of  the  term.     292.  The  ruse 246 

(6)  Moral  Indirection  : 

293.  Principal  forms  of  deception :  294.  Against  animals. 
295.  Against  inferior  human  beings.  296.  In  various  kinds 
of  occupations.  297.  In  national  and  social  life.  298.  The 
intent  and  the  end 248 

CHAPTER   XVIII 
THE    GENESIS   OF  MIND  {Continued) 

(7)  Material  Indirection  : 

299.  Ingenuity.     300.  Invention 253 

(8)  Inventive  Genius  : 

301.  The  characteristic  of  genius.     302.  Instruction  in  invention. 

303.  (9)    Creative  genius  .......     256 

(10)  Philosophic  Genius: 

304.  In  origin  advantageous.  305.  The  emancipation  of  the  in- 
tellect. 306.  Beginnings  of  philosophy.  307.  Phenomena 
of  mind.  308.  The  study  of  the  cosmos.  309.  Its  results. 
310.  Observation.  311.  The  scientific  spirit.  312.  The 
philosophic  spirit.  313.  Scientific  genius.  314.  The  non- 
advantageous  faculties 258 

PART   V 

ACTION   OF    THE    TELIC   AGENT    IN   SOCIAL 

ACHIEVEMENT 

CHAPTER  XIX 

SOCIAL  ACHIEVEMENT   THROUGH   THE   CONQUEST 
OF  NATURE 

Introduction 
315.  Individual  telesis.     316.  The  intermediate  step.     317.  Social 
or    collective   telesis.     318.  The   study  of  society  made 
scientific    ..........     267 


xvi  Contents 

I.    Human  Invention 

PACK 

319.  Empirical  art.  320.  Primitive  invention.  321.  Man's  ca- 
pacity for  conquest.  322.  Modification  of  the  natural. 
323.  Pre-Hellenic  and  Greek  art.  324.  Westward  move- 
ment of  thought.  325.  In  mediaeval  period.  326.  The 
modern  era.  327.  Eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries. 
328.  Power  of  invention  .         .         .         .         .         .         .     271 

II.    Scientific  Discovery 

329.  Invention  and  discovery.  330.  The  mission  of  science. 
331.  The  stage  of  empiricism.  332.  The  Greek  period. 
333.  Mediaeval  period.  334.  Discoveries  of  the  eighteenth 
century.  335.  The  problem  of  life.  336.  The  truths  of 
biology.  337.  "  Origin  of  species."  338.  The  law  of 
evolution 279 


CHAPTER  XX 

SOCIALIZATION   OF  ACHIEVEMENT 

339.  Human  achievement.     340.  Socialization    ....     288 

I.    Social  Regulation 

341.  Classification.  342.  Development  of  social  regulation. 
343.  Legal  regulation.  344.  The  juridical  state.  345.  Im- 
portance of  the  state  .......     290 

II.    Collective  Achievement 

346.  Conquest  of  man  by  society.  347.  Necessity  of  collective 
regulation.  348.  Growth  of  collectivism.  349.  Collectiv- 
ism and  individualism 295 

III.    Social  Invention 

350.  Backwardness  of  social  science.  35 1 .  Analysis  of  an  inven- 
tion. 352.  Social  invention  defined.  353.  "Attractive 
legislation."  354.  Social  distribution.  355.  The  social 
increment 299 


Contents  xvii 

IV.    Social  Appropriation 

FACE 

356.  Knowledge  as  achievement.  357.  Social  heredity.  358.  Duty 
of  society.  359.  The  most  useful  knowledge.  360.  Need 
of  a  scientific  system.  361.  The  fundamental  principle. 
362.  Hindrances  to  civilization.  363.  Public  education. 
364.  Socialization  uf  educatiun  .....     303 


Index 


3" 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

(References  to  these  works  in  the  following  pages  will  be  by  titles  only.) 

The  entire  field  of  sociology  is  so  vast  that  every 
bibliography  must  for  practical  purposes  confine  itself 
to  a  definite  area.  The  following  list  includes  works 
that  especially  supplement  the  subject-matter  of  this 
book.  The  list  is  by  no  means  complete,  but  it  is 
hoped  that  the  selection  made  will  prove  suggestive 
to  librarians  and  useful  to  the  student  for  purposes 
of  reference.  A  few  titles  of  well-nigh  indispensable 
foreign  works  are  given,  but  these  as  far  as  possible 
in  translation.  An  excellent  classified  bibliography 
of  similar  books  and  articles  may  be  found  in  Gid- 
dings's  Principles  of  sociology,  pp.  423-442. 

A  list  of  Dr.  Ward's  more  important  articles  on 
sociological  subjects  is  added. 

American  journal  of  sociology. 

Published   bimonthly,   first   number   July,    1895.      University   of 
Chicago. 
The  annals  of  the  American  academy  of  political  and  social  science. 
Published  bimonthly,  first  number  July,  1890.     Philadelphia. 
These   both   contain  many  thoughtful   and  helpful  discussions  of 
current  social  theory  and  practice. 


Adams,  Brooks. 

The  law  of  civilization  and  decay.     1895.     New  York. 
Bachofen,  Johann  facob. 

Das  Mutterrecht.     1861.     Stuttgart. 
Bagehot,  Walter. 

Physics  and  politics.      New  edition.      1902.      Appleton.      New 
York. 

xix 


xx  Bibliography 

Balfour,  Arthur  J. 

The  foundations  of  belief.     1895.     London  and  New  York. 
Bluntschli,  Johann  Caspar. 

The  theory  of  the  state.     1892.     Macmillan.     New  York. 
Comte,  Auguste. 

Cours  de  philosophic  positive.     Six  volumes.     Troisieme  edition. 
1869.     Paris. 

The  positive  philosophy  of  Auguste  Comte.  Translated  and  con- 
densed by  Harriet  Martineau.  Two  volumes,  1853.  Three 
volumes,  1896.     Macmillan.     New  York  and  London. 

Systeme  de  politique  positive.  Four  volumes.  1851-1854. 
Paris. 

Positive  polity.    Translated  by  Professor  E.  S.  Beesley,  London. 
Four  volumes.     1875-1877.     Longmans. 
Cooley,  Charles  H or  ton. 

Human  nature  and  the  social  order.     1902.     Scribner. 
Cornish,  Francis  War  re. 

Chivalry.     1 901.     Macmillan. 
Crozier,  John  Beatlie. 

Civilization  and  progress.     Third  edition.     1892.     London. 

History  of  intellectual    development;     on   the    lines  of  modern 
evolution.     Vols.  I  and  III.     1897.     1901-     London. 
Durkheim,  Emile. 

De  la  division  du  travail  social.     1893.     Paris. 

Les  regies  de  la  methode  sociologique.     1895.     Paris. 
Ellis,  Havelock. 

Man  and  woman.     Third  edition.     1902.     London. 
Ely,  Richard  T. 

Evolution  of  industrial  society.     1903.     Macmillan. 
Espinas,  Alfred. 

Des  societes  animales.     Deuxieme  edition.     1878.     Paris. 
Fairbanks,  Arthur. 

Introduction  to  sociology.     Third  edition.     1901.     Scribner. 
Fouillee,  Alfred. 

La   science   sociale    contemporaine.      Deuxieme  edition.       1895. 
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Fust  el  de  Coulanges. 

The  ancient  city.      Translated  by  Willard  Small.      1896.      Lee 
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Anthropogenic      1874.      Leipzig.      And  review  of  the  same  by 
Lester    F.  Ward,  under    title    of   Haeckel's   Genesis   of    man. 
Pages  64.     1879.     Stern  and  Co.     Philadelphia. 
Headley,  F.  W.     Problems  of  evolution.     1901.     Crowell. 
Howard,  George  E. 

A  history  of  matrimonial   institutions.      Three  volumes.      1904. 
Chicago. 
James,  William. 

The   principles   of  psychology.      Two  volumes.       1890.      Holt. 
New  York. 
Keller,  Albert  Galloway. 

Homeric  society.     A  sociological  study  of  the  Iliad  and  Odyssey. 
1902.     New  York. 
Kidd,  Benjamin. 

Social  evolution.     New  edition.     1898.     Macmillan. 
Le  Bon,  Gustave. 

The  crowd;   a  study  of  the  popular  mind.     New  edition.     1903. 

Macmillan. 
The  psychology  of  peoples.     1898.     New  York. 


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1881.     London. 
Property;    its   origin   and    development.      New   edition.      1901. 
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Lilienfeld,  Paul  von. 

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The   economic   foundations  of  society.      Translated  by  Lindley 
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Introduction  to  social  philosophy.     Second  revised  edition.     1895. 
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Social  control;     a  survey  of  the  foundations  of  order.       1901. 

Macmillan. 
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journal  of  sociology.     May,  1903-September,  1904. 
Sch'dffle,  Albert  Eberhard  Friedrich. 

Bau   und  Leben   des   socialen   Korpers.      Two  volumes.      New 
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J.  Kemp.     1891.     Three  volumes.     London. 
Simmel,  G. 

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journal  of  sociology.     January-May,  1904. 
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Pages  251-274. 
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sociology.      May,  1901-January,  1902.      (Last  article  includes 

a  lengthy  bibliography.) 
Small,  Albion  W. 

The  significance  of  sociology  for  ethics.      1902.      University  of 

Chicago. 
The  methodology  of  the  social  problem.      1898.      University  of 

Chicago. 
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nal of  sociology.     January,  1900-July,  1904. 
Comments   in   criticism   of  Pure  sociology.      See   under   Ward, 

Lester  F. 
Spencer,  Herbert. 

Social  statics  and  The  man  versus  the  state.     In  one  volume. 

The  study  of  sociology. 

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Education;   intellectual,  moral,  and  physical.      All  by  Appleton. 

New  York. 
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June   10,  1904.     Pages  873-879. 
Stuckenberg,  John  H.  W. 

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Tarde,  Gabriel. 

Laws  of  imitation.     Translated  by  E.  C.  Parsons.     1903.     Holt. 

Social  laws.     Translated  by  H.  C.  Warren.     1899.     Macmillan. 

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Theory  of  the  leisure  class;  an  economic  study  in  the  evolution 
of  institutions.     1899.     Macmillan.     And   review  by  Lester  F. 
Ward.     American  journal  of  sociology.     Vol.  V.     May,  1900. 
The  theory  of  business  enterprise.     1904.     Scribner.     New  York. 
Wallace,  Alfred  Russel. 

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The  wonderful  century;   its  successes  and  its  failures.     1898.     New 
York. 
Ward,  Lester  F. 

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by  Albion  \V.  Small.    American  journal  of  sociology.    Vol.  VIII. 
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White,  Andrew  D. 

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Winship,  Albert  Edward. 

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risburg,  Pennsylvania. 


SELECTED   ARTICLES   ON    SOCIOLOGICAL 

TOPICS 

By  Lester  F.  Ward 

Our  better  halves.     The  forum.    Vol.  VI.     November,  1888.     Pages 

266-275. 
Genius  and  woman's  intuition.     The  forum.     Vol.  IX.     June,  1890. 

Pages  401-408. 


Bibliography  xxv 

The  exemption  of  women  from  labor.      The  monist.     Vol.  IV.     April, 

1894.     Pages  385-395. 
What  shall  the  public  schools  teach  ?     The  forum.      Vol.  V.      July, 

1888.     Pages  574-583. 
The  essential   nature  of  religion.      International  journal  of  ethics. 

Vol.  VIII.     January    1898.     Pages  169-192. 
Ethical  aspects  of  social   science.      International  journal  of  ethics. 

Vol.  VI.     July,  1896.     Pages  441-456. 
Broadening  the  way  to  success.      The  forum.     Vol.  II.      December, 

1886.     Pages  340-350. 
Some    social    and    economic    paradoxes.      American   anthropologist. 

Vol.  II.     April,  1889.     Pages  1 19-132. 
The  psychologic  basis  of  social  economics.     Proc.  A.  A.  A.  S.     XLI. 

1892.     Pages  301-321.     Condensed  in  Annals  American  academy 

of  political  and  social  science.     Vol.  III.     January,  1893.     Pages 

464-482. 
Static  and  dynamic  sociology.     Political  science  quarterly.     Vol.  X. 

No.  2.     June,  1895.     Pages  203-220. 
Moral    and   material   progress    contrasted.       Trans.   Anthropological 

Society.     Vol.  III.     1885.     Washington.     Pages  121-136. 
Utilitarian    economics.      American  journal  of  sociology.      Vol.  III. 

January,  1898.     Pages  520-536. 
The  transmission   of  culture.       The  forum.      Vol.  XI.      May,  1891. 

Pages  312-319. 
Weismann's    concessions.       Popular    science    monthly.       Vol.    XLV. 

June,  1894.     Pages  175-184. 
The  natural  storage  of  energy.     The  monist.     Vol.  V.     January,  1895. 

Pages  247-263. 
Status  of  the  mind  problem.      Special  Papers,  No.  I,  Anthropological 

Society.     1894.     Washington.     Pages  18. 
Social  differentiation  and  social  integration.      American  journal  of 

sociology.    Vol.  VIII.     May,  1903.     Pages  721-745. 
Sociology  at  the  Paris  Exposition  of  1900.     Report  commissioner  of 

education.     Chapter  XXVIII.     1899-1900. 
Contemporary  sociology.      American  journal  of  sociology.     Vol.  VII. 

January,  March,  May,   1902.     Reprinted  as  brochure.     Chicago. 

Pages  70. 
Herbert  Spencer's  Sociology.     Independent.     March  31,  1904.     Pages 

730-734- 
Evolution  of  social  structures.    A  merican  journal  of  sociology.     Vol.  X. 
March,  1905.     Pages  589-605. 


INTRODUCTION 

CHAPTER   I 

THE  SCIENCE  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

i.  Man  unsocial  by  nature.  2.  Human  and  animal  societies  con- 
trasted. 3.  Pure  and  applied  sociology.  4.  Mathematical  sociology. 
5.  Meaning  of  the  term  science.  6.  Sociology  a  science.  7.  The 
progress  of  science.     8.   Progress  of  sociology. 

1.  Man  is  not  naturally  a  social  being ;    human  Man 
society  is  purely  a  product  of  his  reason  and  arose  by  J^00^1  by 
insensible  degrees,  pari  passu  with  the  development 

of  his  brain.  In  other  words,  human  association  is 
the  result  of  the  perceived  advantage  which  it  yields, 
and  came  into  existence  only  in  proportion  as  that 
advantage  was  perceived  by  the  only  faculty  capable 
of  perceiving  it,  the  intellect. 

2.  For  these  reasons  human  society  is  generically  Human 
distinct  from  all  animal  societies.1  It  is  essentially 
rational  and  artificial,  while  animal  association  is  contrasted, 
essentially  instinctive  and  natural.  The  adaptation 
in  the  former  is  incomplete,  while  in  the  latter  it  is 
practically  complete.  Hence  the  same  principles  do 
not  apply  to  human  and  animal  sociology.  The  latter 
is  essentially  a  biological  study ;  and  while  psycho- 
logical considerations  are  potent  in  both,  those  that 
belong  to  animal  sociology  relate  exclusively  to  feel- 

1  Espinas,  Des  societes  animates. 
B  I 


and  animal 
societies 


1  The  Science  of  Sociology 

ing,  while  those  that  belong  to  human  sociology  relate 
chiefly  to  the  intellect.  The  science  of  sociology, 
therefore,  is  the  study  of  human  association,  including 
whatever  conduces  to  it  or  modifies  it.  In  calling 
sociology  a  science  it  is  not  claimed  that  it  has  as  yet 
been  established  as  a  science.  But  it  is  maintained 
that  it  is  in  process  of  establishment,  and  this  by 
the  same  method  by  which  all  other  sciences  are 
established. 
Pure  and  3-    It  is  but  natural  that  those  who  regard  sociology 

applied  as  a  science  should  divide  the  science,  as  other  sciences 

sociology. 

are  divided,  into  the  two  natural  departments,  pure 
and  applied.  The  terms  pure  and  applied  may  be  used 
in  sociology  in  the  same  sense  as  in  other  sciences. 
Pure  science  is  theoretical ;  applied  science,  practical. 
The  first  seeks  to  establish  the  principles  of  the 
science  ;  the  second  points  out  their  actual  or  possible 
applications,  and  deals  with  artificial  means  of  acceler- 
ating the  natural  and  spontaneous  processes  of  nature. 
The  method  of  pure  science  is  research,  and  its  object 
is  knowledge.  In  pure  sociology  the  essential  nature 
of  society  is  the  object  pursued.  But  nothing  can  be 
said  to  be  known  until  the  antecedent  conditions  are 
known,  out  of  which  it  has  sprung.  By  pure  soci- 
ology, then,  is  meant  a  treatment  of  the  phenomena 
and  laws  of  society  as  it  is,  an  explanation  of  the 
processes  by  which  social  phenomena  take  place,  a 
search  for  the  antecedent  conditions  by  which  the 
observed  facts  have  been  brought  into  existence, 
reaching  back  as  far  as  the  state  of  human  knowledge 
will  permit  into  the  psychologic,  biologic,  and  cosmic 
causes  of  the  existing  social  state  of  man.     Pure  soci- 


Pure    Sociology  3 

ology  has  no  concern  with  what  society  ought  to  be, 
or  with  any  social  ideals.  It  confines  itself  strictly 
with  the  present  and  the  past,  allowing  the  future  to 
take  care  of  itself.  It  totally  ignores  the  purpose  of 
the  science,  and  aims  at  truth  wholly  for  its  own  sake. 

4.  Sociology  regarded  as  an  exact  science  is  some-  Mathemati- 
times  called  pure  sociology.     In  this  sense  it  is  usually  cal  soclol°gy- 
attempted  to  reduce  its  laws  to  mathematical  prin- 
ciples, to  deduce  equations  and  draw  curves  express- 
ing those  laws.     The  application  of  mathematics  to 
sociology  is  at  best  precarious,  not  because  the  laws 

of  social  phenomena  are  not  exact,  but  because  of  the 
multitude  and  complicated  interrelations  of  the  facts. 
Except  for  certain  minds  that  are  mathematically  con- 
stituted there  is  very  little  advantage  in  mathematical 
treatment.  It  instantly  repels  the  non-mathematical, 
and,  moreover,  the  proportion  of  mathematical  minds 
is  very  small.  Usually  a  rigidly  logical  treatment  of 
a  subject  is  quite  sufficient  even  where  mathematics 
might  have  been  used,  and  when  the  latter  adds 
nothing  to  the  conception,  its  use  is  simply  pedantic, 

5.  The  word  science  has  been  variously  defined.   Meaning  of 
Etymologically  it  signifies,  of  course,  simply  knowl-  theterm 
edge.    But  it  is  admitted  that  there  may  be  knowledge 

that  is  not  science,  and  the  most  common  definition  of 
science  is  "  methodized  knowledge."  More  exactly, 
science  is  properly  confined  to  a  study  of  the  laws  of 
phenomena,  using  that  expression  in  the  broadest 
sense.  All  phenomena  take  place  according  to  inva- 
riable laws  whose  manifestations  are  numerous  and 
manifold.  A  mere  knowledge  of  these  manifestations 
is  not  science.     Knowledge  only  becomes  scientific 


4  The  Science  of  Sociology 

when  the  uniform  principle  becomes  known  which 
will  explain  all  the  manifestations.  This  principle  is 
the  law.  But  we  can  go  a  step  farther  back.  A  law 
is  only  a  generalization  from  facts,  i.e.,  from  phe- 
nomena, but  these  do  not  take  place  without  a  cause. 
The  uniformity  which  makes  such  a  generalization 
possible  is  in  the  cause.  But  a  cause  can  be  nothing 
else  than  a  force  acting  upon  the  material  basis  of 
phenomena.  As  all  force  is  persistent,  the  phenomena 
it  causes  will  necessarily  be  uniform  under  the  same 
conditions,  and  will  change  in  the  same  way  under 
like  changes  in  the  conditions. 
Sociology  a  6.  Every  science,  in  order  to  be  such,  must  be  a 
science.  domain  of  force.     Until  a  group  of  facts  and  phe- 

nomena reaches  the  stage  at  which  these  can  be 
generalized  into  laws,  which,  in  turn,  are  merely  the 
expressions  of  the  uniform  working  of  its  underlying 
forces,  it  cannot  be  appropriately  denominated  a 
science.  The  mere  accumulation  of  facts,  therefore, 
does  not  constitute  a  science,  but  a  successful  classifi- 
cation of  the  facts  recognizes  the  law  underlying 
them  and  is,  in  so  far,  scientific.  If,  then,  sociology 
is  a  science,  it  must  agree  with  all  others  in  this 
respect,  and  all  knowledge  that  is  not  systematized 
according  to  this  principle  must  be  ruled  out  of  the 
science  of  society. 
The  progress  7.  The  progress  of  science  is  no  even,  straight- 
o  science.  forward  march.  It  is  in  the  highest  degree  irregular 
and  fitful.  And  yet  there  is  a  certain  method  in  it. 
It  is  the  work  of  a  vast  army  of  workers,  each  work- 
ing more  or  less  independently.  Whatever  the  field 
may  be,  the  general  method  of  all  earnest  scientific 


The  Progress  of  Science  5 

research  is  the  same.  Every  investigator  chooses 
some  special  line  and  pushes  his  researches  forward 
along  that  line  as  far  as  his  facilities  and  his  powers 
will  permit.  If  he  is  a  master,  he  soon  exhausts  the 
resources  and  appliances  of  the  libraries  and  laborato- 
ries and  proceeds  to  construct  a  technique  of  his  own 
for  his  special  purposes.  He  observes  and  experi- 
ments and  records  the  results.  Whenever  important 
results  are  reached,  he  publishes  them.  He  not  only 
publishes  the  results,  but  he  describes  his  methods. 
He  tells  the  world  not  only  what  he  has  found,  but 
how  he  found  it.  If  the  results  thus  announced  are 
at  all  novel  or  startling,  others  working  along  similar 
lines  immediately  take  them  up,  criticise  them,  and 
make  every  effort  to  disprove  them.  Part  of  the 
results  claimed  by  the  first  investigator  will  be 
disproved  or  shown  to  bear  a  different  interpreta- 
tion from  that  given  them.  Part  of  them  will  prob- 
ably stand  the  fire  and  after  repeated  verification  be 
admitted  by  all.  These  represent  the  permanent 
advance  made  in  that  particular  science.  But  nothing 
is  established  until  it  has  passed  through  this  ordeal 
of  general  criticism  and  repeated  verification  from  the 
most  adverse  points  of  view.1 

8.    Such  is  the  apparently  desultory  and  haphazard,  Progress  of 
but  really  methodical,  way  in  which  all  science  ad-  soclol°gy- 
vances.     True,  it  is  not  at  all  economical,  but  ex- 
tremely wasteful  in  energy  and  effort.    It  is  a  typical 
method   of   nature   as   distinguished  from   the   telic 
method,  or  method  of  foresight  and  intelligence,  but 

1  Note  in  Bibliography  such  names  as  De  Greef,  Fouillee,  Lilienfeld, 
Schafne,  etc.,  and  see  article  by  Giddings. 


6  The  Science  of  Sociology 

it  accomplishes  its  purpose  and  has  given  us  all  the 
established  truth  we  possess.  The  progress  of  discov- 
ery, of  science,  and  of  knowledge  and  truth  in  the  world 
generally,  follows  this  same  method,  whatever  depart- 
ment we  may  examine.  The  effect  of  it  is  to  give 
the  impression  during  the  early  stages  in  the  history 
of  any  science,  that  all  is  chaos,  and  that  no  real  prog- 
ress is  being  made.  Every  one  is  making  claims  for 
his  own  results  and  denying  those  of  all  others,  so  that 
the  mere  looker-on  and  the  public  at  large  are  led 
to  doubt  that  anything  is  being  accomplished.  Just 
at  present  sociology  is  in  that  initial  stage  in  which 
a  great  army  of  really  honest  and  earnest  workers  is 
wholly  without  organization.  Nearly  every  one  has 
a  single  thought  which  he  believes  to  embrace,  when 
seen  as  he  sees  it,  the  whole  field  of  sociology  and 
he  is  elaborating  that  idea  to  the  utmost.  Now  it 
is  clear  that  he  will  make  much  more  of  that  idea 
than  any  one  else  could  make.  He  will  get  all  the 
truth  out  of  it  that  it  contains.  It  is  true  that  he  will 
carry  it  too  far  and  weight  it  down  with  implications 
that  it  will  not  bear ;  but  these  are,  like  the  errors  of 
all  scientific  investigators,  subject  to  criticism  and 
ultimate  rejection,  the  real  truth  taking  their  place. 

REFERENCES   TO  WARD'S  OTHER  WORKS 

Dynarnic  sociology.  Introduction  to  volume  I.  Topics  in  Index, 
volume  II :  Animals  ;  Anti-social  tendencies  ;  Association  ; 
Science  ;  Sociability  ;  Sociology. 

Psychic  factors.     Index  :  Sociology. 

Pure  sociology.     Preface  and  chapters  I,  II. 

Articles.  "  Contemporary  sociology."  "  Sociology  at  the  Paris 
Exposition." 


CHAPTER   II 

CLASSIFICATION  OF  THE   SCIENCES 

g.  Serial  classification.  10.  Comte's  classification.  n„  The  true  order 
of  study.  12.  Synoptical  classification.  13.  Filiation.  14.  Basal 
sciences  for  sociology. 

15.  Sympodial  develop?nent :  16.  In  botany.  17.  In  evolution.  18.  In 
human  history,  ig.  Anthropologic  sympodes.  20.  National  deca- 
dence. 

9.  Philosophers  of  all  ages  have  been  at  work  serial  ciassi- 
upon  the  problem  of  a  logical  and  natural  clas-  catlon- 
sification  of  the  sciences.  In  selecting  from  among 
them  all  that  of  Comte  as  best  adapted  to  the  subject 
of  social  science,  there  is  no  thought  of  condemning 
all  others  or  even  making  odious  comparisons. 
There  is  always  more  than  one  entirely  correct  way 
of  classifying  the  phenomena  of  any  great  field. 
But  from  the  sociological  standpoint  the  most  im- 
portant thing  to  determine  is  the  natural  or  serial 
order  in  which  the  sciences  stand  —  not  how  they 
can  be  made  to  stand,  but  how  they  must  stand,  irre- 
spective of  the  wishes  of  any  one.  But  any  classifi- 
cation of  the  sciences  must  recognize  the  necessity 
of  the  broadest  generalization,  and  must  not  attempt 
to  work  into  the  general  plan  any  of  the  sciences  of 
the  lower  orders.  The  generalization  must  go  on 
until  all  the  strictly  coordinate  groups  of  the  highest 

7 


8  Classification  of  the  Sciences 

order  are  found,  and  then  these  must  be  arranged  in 
their  true  and  only  natural  order.  This  Comte 
accomplished  by  taking  as  the  criterion  of  the  posi- 
tion of  each  the  degree  of  what  he  called  positivity, 
which  is  simply  the  degree  to  which  the  phenomena 
can  be  exactly  determined.  This,  as  may  be  readily 
seen,  is  also  a  measure  of  their  relative  complexity, 
since  the  exactness  of  a  science  is  in  inverse  propor- 
tion to  its  complexity.  The  degree  of  exactness  or 
positivity  is,  moreover,  that  to  which  it  can  be  sub- 
jected to  mathematical  demonstration,  and  therefore 
mathematics,  which  is  not  itself  a  concrete  science, 
is  the  general  gauge  by  which  the  position  of  every 
science  is  to  be  determined. 
Comte's  10.    Generalizing  thus,    Comte    found    that    there 

classification.  were  five  great  groups  of  phenomena  of  equal  classi- 
ficatory  value  but  of  successively  decreasing  posi- 
tivity. To  these  he  gave  the  names  astronomy, 
physics,  chemistry,  biology,  and  sociology.  A  glance 
at  these  suffices  to  show  that  they  conform  to  the 
conditions  outlined  and  that  they  must  stand  in  this 
order.  When  carefully  scanned,  nearly  every  proper 
science  can  be  assigned  its  natural  place  in  this 
scheme.  Psychology,  perhaps,  should  be  added  to 
the  number  of  these  great  coordinate  sciences  and 
placed,  as  Spencer  has  done,  between  biology  and 
sociology.  Not  that  Comte  ignored  it,  but  in  the 
mighty  sweep  of  his  logic  he  made  it  a  part  of  biol- 
ogy, calling  it  "transcendental  biology."1  This 
system  is  a  natural  system,  in  the  sense  that  the 
order  is  the  order  of    nature  and  that    the  several 

1  See  Comte  and  Spencer  in  Bibliography. 


Genetic  Classification  9 

sciences  are  genetically  affiliated  upon  one  another 
in  this  order.  That  is,  each  of  the  five  great  natural 
groups  rests  upon  the  one  immediately  below  it  and 
grows  out  of  it,  as  it  were. 

11.  From  this  it  necessarily  results  that  this  is  the  The  true 
true  order  in  which  they  should  be  studied,  since  the  ortjfr  of 
study  of  each  furnishes  the  mind  with  the   proper 

data  for  understanding  the  next  higher.  In  fact, 
none  of  the  more  complex  and  less  exact  sciences 
can  be  properly  understood  until  after  all  the  simpler 
and  more  exact  ones  below  it  have  first  been  acquired. 
The  student,  therefore,  who  advances  in  this  order  is 
approaching  the  goal  of  his  ambition  by  two  distinct 
routes  which  converge  at  the  desired  stage.  He  is 
laying  the  foundation  for  the  understanding  of  the 
more  complex  sciences  by  acquainting  himself  with 
the  simpler  ones  upon  which  they  successively  rest, 
and  he  is  at  the  same  time  mounting  upward  in  the 
scale  of  generalization  from  the  specific  and  generic 
to  the  ordinal  or  higher  groups  in  a  systematic  classi- 
fication. The  natural  arrangement  of  the  great  coor- 
dinate groups  is  serial  and  genetic.  The  term 
hierarcJiy,  applied  to  it  by  Comte,  is  inappropriate, 
since  there  is  no  subordination,  but  simply  degrees 
of  generality  and  complexity.  There  is  genetic  affilia- 
tion without  subordination.  The  more  complex  and 
less  exact  sciences  may  be  regarded  as  the  children 
of  the  more  simple  and  exact  ones,  but  between 
parent  and  offspring  there  is  no  difference  of  rank. 

12.  In  contrast  with  this,  the  other  classification,   synoptical 
which  may  be  called  logical  or  synoptical,  is  a  true  classification. 
hierarchy.     It  will  be  easier  to  comprehend  if  we  liken 


io  Classification  of  the  Sciences 

it  to  the  system  of  ranking  that  prevails  in  an  army. 
The  two  kinds  of  classification  are  entirely  different 
in  principle,  and  the  last-named  occurs  independently 
in  each  of  the  great  serial  groups. 
Filiation.  13.    Now  what  concerns  the  sociologist  is  primarily 

the  serial  order  of  phenomena.  The  several  groups  of 
phenomena  constituting  a  natural  "hierarchy"  of  the 
sciences,  not  only  stand  in  the  relation  of  diminishing 
generality  with  increasing  complexity,  but  they  stand 
in  the  relation  of  parent  to  offspring,  i.e.,  of  filiation. 
The  more  complex  sciences  grow  out  of  the  simpler 
ones  by  a  process  of  differentiation.  The  more  gen- 
eral phenomena  of  the  simpler  sciences  are  elaborated 
into  more  complex  forms.  They  are  the  raw  material 
which  is  worked  up  into  more  finished  products,  much 
as  pig  iron  is  worked  up  into  tools,  machinery,  cutlery, 
and  watchsprings.  The  simpler  sciences  contain  all 
that  is  in  the  more  complex,  but  it  is  more  homoge- 
neous; and  the  process  of  evolution,  as  we  know,  is  a 
passage  from  the  homogeneous  to  the  heterogeneous. 
A  serial  classification  is  based  on  this  principle  of 
natural  differentiation  and  the  resulting  filiation.  It 
might  be  called  toco  logical.1  This  filiation  of  the 
sciences  is  also  an  order  of  mutual  dependence. 
This  dependence  is  specially  marked  between  any 
one  science  in  the  series  and  the  one  immediately 
below  it,  but  in  a  broader  sense  all  the  higher  sci- 
ences are  dependent  upon  all  the  lower  ones.  For 
the  sociologist  it  is  specially  important  to  recognize 
the  dependence  of  social  science  on  physical  science, 
using  these  terms  in  their  commonly  accepted  senses. 

1  Greek,  t6kos,  son. 


The  Filiation  of  Sciences  1 1 

14.  Social  science  becomes  much  more  thorough,  Basal 
intelligible,  interesting,  and   useful  when   based    on  sciencesfor 

0  °  sociology. 

physical  science.  There  is  no  one  of  the  more  gen- 
eral sciences  that  does  not  throw  light  on  sociology. 
Any  one  who  looks  for  them  can  find  "  analogies  "  all 
through.  There  are  almost  as  many  parallels  between 
social  and  chemical  processes  as  there  are  between 
social  and  biological.  By  extended  comparisons  in  all 
fields  we  find  that  the  operations  of  nature  are  the 
same  in  all  departments.  We  not  only  discover  one 
great  law  of  evolution  applicable  to  all  the  fields  cov- 
ered by  the  several  sciences  of  the  series,  but  we  can 
learn  something  more  about  the  true  method  of  evo- 
lution by  observing  how  it  takes  place  in  each  of  these 
fields. 

15.  As   an   example   of   the   aid  that  the   higher  Sympodiai 
sciences   and  the  philosophy  of    science  in  general  develoPment 
may  derive  from  some  of  the  more  special  fields  of 
research,  the  branch  known  as  paleobotany  may  be 

cited.  For,  an  acquaintance  with  the  extinct  plant  life 
of  the  globe  throws  much  light  on  the  conception  of 
the  development  of  life  in  all  its  forms  and  also  on  the 
nature  of  evolution  itself,  cosmic,  organic,  and  social. 

16.  The  science  of  botany  in  its  wide  and  proper  in  botany, 
sense  —  the  natural  history  of  plants,  including  their 
geological  history  —  teaches  that  the  prevailing  con- 
ception of  organic  evolution  is  radically  incorrect  in 

one  of  its  essential  aspects.  It  shows  that  plant  de- 
velopment at  least,  and  inferentially  animal  develop- 
ment also,  is  sympodiai.  In  explanation,  it  may 
be  said  that  the  vegetable  kingdom  presents  two 
clearly  marked  modes  of  branching,  known  respec- 


u^ 


12  Classification  of  the  Sciences 


tively  as  monopodial  and  sympodial.  In  monopodial 
branching  the  stem  or  main  trunk  gives  off  at  intervals 
subordinate  stems  called  branches,  containing  a  com- 
paratively small  number  of  the  fibrovascular  bundles 
of  the  main  stem,  which  thus  continues  to  diminish  in 
size  by  the  loss  of  its  bundles  until  all  are  thus  given 
off  and  the  stem  terminates  in  a  slender  twig.  In  sym- 
podial branching,  on  the  other  hand,  the  main  stem  or 
trunk  rises  to  a  certain  height  and  then  gives  off  a 
branch  into  which  the  majority  of  the  fibrovascular 
bundles  enter,  so  that  the  branch  virtually  becomes  the 
trunk,  and  the  real  trunk  or  ascending  portion  is  re- 
duced to  a  mere  twig,  or  may  ultimately  fail  of  support 
altogether  and  disappear  through  atrophy.  This  large 
branch  at  length  in  turn  gives  off  a  secondary  branch, 
containing  as  before  the  bulk  of  the  bundles,  and  the 
first  branch  is  sacrificed  in  the  same  manner  as  was 
the  original  stem  or  trunk;  and  this  process  is  re- 
peated throughout  the  life  of  the  tree  or  plant.  As 
might  be  naturally  expected,  the  resulting  series  of 
branches  of  different  orders  is  zigzag,  and  in  most 
sympodial  herbs  this  is  manifest  in  the  plant.  It  is 
somewhat  so  in  vines  like  the  grape-vine,  but  in  trees, 
like  the  linden,  the  forces  of  heliotropism  and  general 
upward  growth  serve  to  right  up  these  several  origi- 
nally inclined  sympodes,  the  abortive  stems  of  ante- 
cedent stages  vanish  entirely,  and  the  trunk  becomes 
as  erect  and  symmetrical  as  those  of  its  monopodial 
companions  of  the  forest.  There  are  other  distinc- 
tions which  may  be  found  set  forth  in  the  books,  but 
these  are  the  only  ones  that  concern  us  here, 
in  evolution.        17.    Now  the  monopodial  type  of  branching  is,  of 


Sympodial  Development  13 

course,  the  one  that  everybody  is  familiar  with,  and 
this  is  the  type  that  is  alone  considered  when  we  speak 
of  the  arborescent  character  of  organic  development. 
Its  inadequacy  in  explaining  the  actual  phenomena 
presented  by  organic  nature  has  been  strongly  felt, 
and  a  more  satisfactory  explanation  demanded.  This 
demand  is  satisfied  by  the  theory  that  evolution  is  sym- 
podial. 

Everywhere  and  always  the  course  of  evolution  in 
the  plant  world  has  been  the  same  ;  the  original  phy- 
lum has  at  some  point  reached  its  maximum  develop- 
ment and  given  off  a  sympode  that  has  carried  the 
process  of  evolution  on  until  it  should  in  turn  give 
birth  to  a  new  sympode,  which  repeats  the  same  his- 
tory, and  so  on  indefinitely.  Each  successive  sym- 
pode possesses  attributes  which  enable  it  better  to 
resist  the  environment ;  it  therefore  constitutes  a 
form  of  development  or  structural  advance.  Thus 
the  entire  process  is  one  of  true  evolution,  and  has 
culminated  in  the  great  class  of  dicotyledonous  ex- 
ogenous plants  which  now  dominate  the  vegetable 
kingdom. 

18.  If  we  rise  to  the  plane  of  human  history,  we  in  human 
shall  find  a  similar  parallel  here.  We  may  look  upon  hlstory* 
human  races  as  so  many  trunks  and  branches  of  what 
may  be  called  the  sociological  tree.  The  vast  and 
bewildering  multiplicity  in  the  races  of  men  is  the  result 
of  ages  of  race  development,  and  it  has  taken  place 
in  a  manner  very  similar  to  that  in  which  the  races 
of  plants  and  animals  have  developed.  Its  origin  is 
lost  in  the  obscurity  of  ages  of  unrecorded  history ; 
but  when  at  last  the  light  of   tradition  and  written 


podes. 


14  Classification  of  the  Sciences 

annals  opens  upon  the  human  races,  we  find  them  en- 
gaged in  a  great  struggle.  Out  of  this  struggle  new 
races  have  sprung.  These  in  turn  have  struggled 
with  other  races,  and  out  of  these  still  other  races 
have  slowly  emerged,  until  at  last,  down  toward  our 
own  times  and  within  the  general  line  of  the  historic 
races,  the  great  leading  nationalities  —  French,  Eng- 
lish, German,  Slavic  —  have  been  evolved. 
Anthropo-  19.    Now  every  one  of  these  races  of  men,  from  the 

„°51syr  advanced  nationalities  last  named  back  to  the  barbaric 
tribes  that  arose  from  the  blending  of  hostile  hordes, 
is  simply  an  anthropologic  sympode,  strictly  analo- 
gous to  the  biologic  sympodes  already  described. 
When  we  concentrate  our  attention  upon  those  latter 
aspects  of  this  movement  which  we  are  fairly  well 
acquainted  with,  we  find  a  most  remarkable  parallel- 
ism between  the  phenomena  which  we  popularly 
characterize  as  the  rise  and  fall  of  nations  or  empires, 
and  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  great  types  of  life  during 
the  progress  of  geologic  history.  As  we  look  back  in 
imagination  over  the  vast  stretches  of  the  past,  we 
can  see  the  earth  peopled,  as  it  were,  by  these  vege- 
table forms,  different  in  every  epoch ;  and  an  image 
presents  itself  to  the  mind  of  the  gradual  rise,  ultimate 
mastery  or  hegemony,  and  final  culmination  of  each 
of  the  great  types  of  vegetation,  followed  by  its  de- 
cline contemporaneously  with  the  rise  of  the  type 
that  is  to  succeed  it.  This  rhythmic  march  of  evo- 
lution has  been  going  on  throughout  the  entire 
history  of  the  planet,  and  the  path  of  geologic 
history  is  strewn  with  the  ruins  of  fallen  vegetable 
empires,  just   as    that   of   human   history  is    strewn 


Rise  and   Fall  of  Races  15 

with  the  wrecks  of  political  empires   and  decadent 
races. 

20.  Races  and  nations  become  overgrown  and  dis-  National 
appear.  Peoples  become  overspecialized  and  fall  decadence-1 
an  easy  prey  to  the  more  vigorous  surrounding  ones, 
and  a  high  state  of  civilization  is  always  precarious. 
Races  and  peoples  are  always  giving  off  their  most 
highly  vitalized  elements  and  being  transplanted  to 
new  soil,  leaving  the  parent  country  to  decline  or  be 
swallowed  up.  The  plot  of  the  JEneid,  though  it 
be  a  myth,  at  least  illustrates  this  truth.  Troy  was 
swallowed  up  by  Greece,  but  not  until  it  had  been 
transplanted  to  Rome.  Italy  was  the  vanguard  of 
civilization  to  the  sixteenth  century,  when  she  trans- 
ferred her  scepter  to  Spain,  which  held  it  during  the 
seventeenth,  and  in  turn  transferred  it  to  France.  It 
passed  to  England  in  the  nineteenth,  and  bids  fair  to 
cross  the  Atlantic  before  the  close  of  the  twentieth. 
Race  and  national  degeneration  or  decadence  means 
nothing  more  than  this  pushing  out  of  the  vigorous 
branches  or  sympodes  at  the  expense  of  the  parent 
trunks.  Some  see  in  colonization  the  phenomenon  of 
social  reproduction.  This  is  at  least  a  half-truth. 
Colonization  often  means  regeneration  ;  it  means  race 
development ;  it  means  social  evolution. 

REFERENCES  TO  WARD'S  OTHER  WORKS 

Dynamic  sociology.     Chapters  I  and  II,  on  Comte  and  Spencer. 

Topics  in  Index,  in  volume  II :  Classification  of  the  sciences; 

Filiation  of  the  sciences  ;  Hierarchy  ;  Sciences,  classification  of. 
Outlines  of  sociology.     Chapters  I-V  inclusive. 
Pure  sociology.     Chapter  V,  pp.  65-79. 

1  Brooks  Adams,  The  law  of  civilization  and  decay. 


CHAPTER   III 

DATA  OF  SOCIOLOGY  i 

21.  Classification  of  data.  22.  The  general  sciences.  23.  The  re- 
quirement of  a  general  education.  24.  The  special  social  sciences. 
25.  Sociology  and  economics.  26.  Relations  to  other  sciences. 
27.   Purpose  of  sociological  study.     28.   Importance  of  sociology. 

Classification       21.    We  now  turn  to  the  last  and  highest  of  the 
of  data.  sciences,  sociology,  and  what  has  been  said  is  calcu- 

lated to  prepare  us  to  understand  the  true  scope  of 
that  science.  The  leading  distinction  between  mod- 
ern and  ancient  philosophy  is  that  the  former  proceeds 
from  facts,  while  the  latter  proceeded  from  assump- 
tions. Every  science  is  at  the  same  time  a  philosophy. 
The  greater  part  of  all  that  is  valuable  in  any  science 
is  the  result  of  reasoning  from  facts.  The  more 
complex  a  science  is,  the  greater  the  number  of  facts 
required  to  reason  from,  and  the  more  difficult  the 
task  of  drawing  correct  conclusions  from  the  facts. 
When  we  come  to  sociology,  the  number  of  details  is 
so  immense  that  it  is  no  wonder  many  declare  them 
wholly  unmanageable.  The  only  prospect  of  success 
lies  in  a  classification  of  the  materials.  This  classifi- 
cation of  sociological  data  amounts  in  the  end  to  the 
classification  of  all  the  subsciences  that  range  them- 
selves under  the  general  science  of  sociology. 

1  Small,  Scope  of  sociology. 
16 


Generalized  Knowledge  17 

22.  We  should  begin  with   the  most  general  and  The  general 
proceed    analytically   toward    the    more    and    more  sciences- 
special.     In  fact,  it  will  be  well  to  begin  entirely  out- 
side of  sociology  proper  and  consider  first  the  depend- 
ence of  sociology  upon  the  other  less  complex  and 

more  general  sciences.  These  simpler  sciences  may 
themselves  be  regarded  as  constituting  a  part  of  the 
data  of  sociology.  Some  knowledge  of  them  is  es- 
sential to  any  adequate  comprehension  of  the  full 
scope  and  meaning  of  sociology.  It  may  have  a  dis- 
couraging sound  to  say  that  in  order  to  be  properly 
prepared  for  the  study  of  sociology  one  must  first  be 
acquainted  with  mathematics,  astronomy,  physics, 
chemistry,  biology,  and  psychology,  but  when  it  is 
clearly  understood  what  is  meant  by  this  it  loses 
much  of  its  formidableness.  For  it  has  never  been 
maintained  that  it  is  necessary  to  become  a  specialist 
in  all,  or  even  in  any  of  these  sciences.  It  is  only  es- 
sential to  have  a  firm  grasp  of  the  leading  principles 
of  all  of  them  and  of  their  relations  one  to  another. 
It  would  be  far  better  to  devote  time  to  this  aspect  of 
each  of  them  than  to  mastering  the  details,  as  is  so 
largely  done  in  the  present  system  of  education.  A 
certain  amount  of  detail  is  of  course  necessary  to  fur- 
nish a  full  conception  of  what  any  science  is  and 
means,  but  it  need  go  no  farther  than  this. 

23.  This  extraordinary  tax  upon  the  sociologist  is,  The  require- 
therefore,  after  all.  little  more  than  the  requirement  mentofa 

'  L  general 

that  the  sociological  student  shall  first  of  all  acquire  education. 
a  good  general    education.       It  does   not    so    much 
prescribe  the  quantity  of  his  learning  as  the  direction 
it  should  be  made  to  take.     It  says  that  his  education 


social 
sciences. 


1 8  Data  of  Sociology 

should  be  mainly  scientific,  that  his  study  of  the 
sciences  should  be  so  ordered  as  to  give  him  a  clear 
idea  of  their  natural  relations  and  dependencies,  that 
they  should  be  taken  up  so  far  as  possible  in  the 
order  of  their  decreasing  generality  and  increas- 
ing complexity,  and  that  they  be  pursued  in  this 
direction  so  as  to  include  at  least  the  science  upon 
which  the  chosen  specialty  directly  rests.  In  the 
case  of  sociology,  this  is  of  course  to  cover  the  entire 
range  of  the  sciences,  but  in  reality,  this  is  nothing 
more  than  any  well-organized  curriculum  necessarily 
involves. 
The  special  24.  The  primary  data  of  sociology,  then,  are  seen 
to  consist  of  this  general  preliminary  scientific  educa- 
tion, this  firm  grasp  of  the  broad  cosmical  principles 
that  underlie  and  govern  all  departments  of  natural 
phenomena.  The  more  specific  data  of  sociology  con- 
sist in  the  facts  contributed  by  the  various  branches 
or  sciences  that  fall  directly  under  it,  in  the  rela- 
tion already  described  in  the  second  chapter,  of  true 
hierarchical  subordination. 

Much  has  been  said  of  late  about  the  so-called 
"  special  social  sciences  "  and  their  relation  to  sociol- 
ogy. Some  regard  sociology  as  consisting  entirely 
of  these  sciences  and  as  having  no  existence  apart 
from  them.  Others  distinguish  sociology  from  the 
special  social  sciences,  but  in  different  ways.  The 
latter  are  sometimes  identified  with  "  social  science," 
and  this  is  treated  as  distinct  from  sociology.  There 
is  less  variety  of  opinion  relative  to  the  nature  of  the 
special  social  sciences  than  there  is  relative  to  what 
sociology  is  if  distinguished  from  these.     The  special 


The  Special  Social  Sciences  19 

social  sciences  are  numerous,  and,  in  many  cases, 
there  is  room  for  differences  of  opinion  as  to  what 
constitutes  such  sciences,  but  the  following  are  the 
principal  ones  about  which  there  is  little  dispute  : 
ethnography,  ethnology,  technology,  archaeology, 
demography ;  history,  economics,  jurisprudence,  pol- 
itics, ethics  —  all  taken  in  a  scientific  sense,  and 
each  with  its  natural  subdivisions.  No  one  of  these, 
nor  all  of  them  together,  can  be  said  to  form  sociol- 
ogy, but  sociology  is  the  synthesis  of  them  all.  It 
is  impossible  to  perform  this  synthesis  without  a  clear 
conception  of  the  elements  entering  into  it.  These, 
therefore,  constitute  the  data  for  the  process.  The 
special  social  sciences,  then,  are  not  themselves  the  sci- 
ence of  sociology,  but  they  constitute  data  of  sociology.1 

25.    In  marking  out  clearly  the  sphere  of  sociology,  Sociology 
the  greatest  difficulty  is  that  of  distinguishing  it  from  and 

0  J  °  °  economics, 

political  economy  or  economics.  Although  modern 
economics  is  broad  in  its  scope  and  rests  to  a  great 
extent  upon  the  observed  facts  of  human  life  and 
action,  it  yet  concerns  itself  chiefly  with  the  problems 
arising  in  connection  with  the  production  of  wealth. 
Comte's  conception  of  sociology  is  of  course  widely 
different,  as  he  makes  it  one  of  the  great  coordinate 
groups  of  his  so-called  hierarchy,  and  as  such  to 
embrace  everything  that  pertains  to  man  as  a  social 
being.  Economics  therefore  belongs  within  the  great 
field  of  sociology,  and  care  should  be  taken  that  there 
be  no  confusion  or  overlapping,  and  that  nothing  that 
clearly  belongs  to  economics  should  be  treated  as 
sociology. 

1  Wilson,  The  place  of  social  philosophy. 


20 


Data  of  Sociology 


Relations  to 

other 

sciences. 


Purpose  of 
sociological 
study. 


26.  In  distinguishing  sociology  from  the  special  so- 
cial sciences,  economics  has  been  taken  as  an  example 
because  it  seems  to  be  most  prone  to  overflow  into 
the  broader  field.  But  there  are  many  other  sciences 
or  branches  of  learning  that  occupy  practically  the 
same  relative  position.  It  is  here  that  history  stands, 
while  ethnology,  ethnography,  and  demography,  with 
other  attendant  branches  of  anthropology,'  bear  so 
strongly  upon  the  great  science  of  man  in  the  social 
state  that  it  is  difficult  to  prevent  them  from  forcing 
their  way  into  it.1  We  may  regard  sociology  as  one  of 
the  great  natural  families  of  cosmical  phenomena,  un- 
der which  we  may  range  the  next  most  general  depart- 
ments as  so  many  genera,  each  with  its  appropriate 
species.  That  is,  the  classification  of  the  social 
sciences  may  be  made  strictly  synoptical.  Thus 
understood,  sociology  is  freed  from  the  unnecessary 
embarrassment  of  having  hanging  about  it  in  more 
or  less  disorder  a  burden  of  complicated  details  which 
make  it  next  to  impossible  to  secure  due  attention  to 
the  fundamental  principles  of  so  vast  a  science. 
These  details  are  classified  and  assigned  each  to  its 
proper  place  (genus  or  species),  and  the  field  is  cleared 
for  the  calm  contemplation  of  the  central  problem  of 
determining  the  facts,  the  law,  and  the  principles  of 
human  association. 

27.  Now  all  this  vast  array  of  phenomena  mani- 
fested by  man  in  his  manifold  relations  with  the 
material  world  constitutes  the  data  of  sociology,  and 
something  must  be  known  about  it  before  any  one  is 
capable  of  entering  into  the  consideration  of  those 

1  Letourneau,  Sociology  based  on  ethnography. 


Importance  of  Sociology  21 

higher  laws  involved  in  human  association,  which, 
on  final  analysis,  are  simply  generalizations  from 
the  facts  of  lower  orders.  It  is  true  that  in  the 
course  of  acquiring  a  sound  general  education  every 
one  necessarily  learns  something  about  most  of  these 
things,  but  this  is  insufficient  to  constitute  an  ade- 
quate preparation  for  the  study  of  sociology.  This 
knowledge  needs  to  be  systematized  and  specialized, 
and  directed  to  the  definite  end.  The  student  needs 
to  know  just  what  he  is  pursuing  it  for.  There  is 
no  more  vicious  educational  practice,  and  scarcely 
any  more  common  one,  than  that  of  keeping  the 
student  in  the  dark  as  to  the  end  and  purpose  of  his 
work.  It  breeds  indifference,  discouragement,  and 
despair.  Therefore,  while  it  might  be  fruitless  to 
attempt  to  teach  the  principles  of  sociology  before 
the  student  were  put  in  possession  of  the  facts  from 
which  those  principles  are  derived,  it  is  of  the  utmost 
importance  to  inform  him,  as  early  as  he  is  likely  to 
understand,  that  there  is  a  great  general  science  of 
society  toward  which  all  this  is  leading,  and  con- 
stantly to  keep  him  imbued  with  the  idea  of  an  ulti- 
mate utility  beyond  the  mere  satisfaction  of  the 
desire  to  know  facts. 

28.  It  is  safe  then  to  assert  that  there  are  elements  importance 
for  a  science  of  society,  and  that  when  these  elements  °  soclolosy 
are  detected,  collated,  and  reduced  to  law,  such  a 
science  will  be  established ;  and  it  is  further  beyond 
question  that,  when  the  true  science  of  society  shall  be 
established  and  accepted  as  other  sciences  are  ac- 
cepted, its  influence  on  the  interests  of  man  and  the 
destiny  of  the  race  will  be  as  much  greater  than  that 


22  Data  of  Sociology 

of  the  simpler  sciences  as  sociology  is  nearer  to  man 
and  more  intimately  bound  up  with  all  that  concerns 
his  welfare.  Sociology  therefore  should  be  studied 
first  for  the  sake  of  information  relating  to  the  laws 
of  human  association  and  cooperative  action,  and 
finally  for  the  purpose  of  determining  in  what  ways 
and  to  what  extent  social  phenomena  may,  with  a 
knowledge  of  their  laws,  be  modified  and  directed 
toward  social  ideals.  The  supreme  purpose  is  the 
betterment  of  society.  If  knowledge  be  had,  action 
will  take  care  of  itself,  though  an  important  part  of 
the  knowledge  is  that  action  is  its  object.1 

The  sociological  student,  clearly  perceiving  the 
chaotic  condition  of  both  the  industrial  and  the  politi- 
cal world,  and  recognizing  that  most  of  the  evils  of 
society  result  from  a  lack  of  scientific  knowledge  on 
the  part  of  so-called  practical  men,  claims  the  right 
and  feels  the  obligation  to  state  the  facts,  to  define 
social  laws  and  principles,  and  to  indicate  their  sig- 
nificance and  their  necessary  bearing  upon  social 
affairs  and  movements.  The  study  of  sociology,  there- 
fore, is  calculated  to  enlighten  the  individual  pur- 
poses of  men  and  to  harmonize  them  with  the  good 
of  society.  It  will  tend  to  unify  action,  to  combine 
the  innumerable  streams  of  individual  effort,  and  to 
pour  their  contents  into  one  great  river  of  social 
welfare. 

We  see,  then,  the  high  place  which  sociology, 
properly  defined,  should  hold  among  the  sciences, 
and  how  clear  and  incisive  are  the  boundaries  which 
mark  it  off  from  all  other  branches  of  learning.     It 

1  Mackenzie,  Introduction  to  social  philosophy. 


The  Study  of  Sociology  23 

is  the  cap-sheaf  and  crown  of  any  true  system  of 
classification  of  the  sciences,  and  it  is  also  the  last  and 
highest  landing  on  the  great  staircase  of  education. 

REFERENCES   TO  WARD'S  OTHER  WORKS 

Dynamic  sociology.     Topics  in  Index,  volume  II :    Phenomena, 

classification  of;    Sociologists. 
Outlines  of  sociology.     Chapters  VI  and  IX. 


CHAPTER    IV1 

METHODOLOGY 

29.  Importance  of  method.  30.  Logical  sequence  of  ideas.  31.  Sci- 
ence as  a  domain  of  laws.  32.  Generalization  :  33.  In  anthropol- 
ogy- 34-  ^n  great  primary  wants  and  passions.  35.  Law  in 
history.  36.  The  law  of  parsimony  :  37.  Shown  in  the  pursuit  of 
interests. 


Importance 
of  method. 


Logical 
sequence  of 
ideas. 


29.  It  is  the  function  of  methodology  in  social  sci- 
ence to  classify  social  phenomena  in  such  a  manner 
that  the  groups  may  be  brought  under  uniform  laws 
and  treated  by  exact  methods.  Sociology  then  be- 
comes an  exact  science.  Human  history  presents  a 
chaos.  The  only  science  that  can  convert  this  chaos 
into  a  definite  social  universe  is  sociology,  and  this  can 
only  be  done  by  the  use  of  an  appropriate  method,  by 
using  the  data  furnished  by  all  the  special  social 
sciences,  including  the  great  scientific  trunks  of  psy- 
chology, biology,  and  cosmology,  and  by  generalizing 
and  coordinating  facts  and  groups  of  facts  until  unity 
is  attained. 

30.  The  basis  of  method  is  logic,  and  the  basis  of 
logic  is  the  law  of  causation.  The  object  of  method 
is  clearness,  and  what  is  logical  is  usually  clear.  At 
least,  the  same  subject,  however  abstruse  or  inher- 
ently difficult,  will   be  clearer  of   comprehension   if 


1  Small,  Methodology.     Durkheim,  Les  regies  de  la  methode  sociolo- 
gique. 

24 


Need  of  Logical   Sequence  25 

logically  presented  than  if  incoherently  presented. 
This  principle  lies  at  the  foundation  of  style.  That 
which  renders  a  style  easy  is  the  strict  logical  se- 
quence of  ideas.  What  is  true  of  style  is  true  of 
other  things.  It  is  especially  true  of  education,  and 
it  is  probable  that  something  like  double  the  progress 
could  be  made  by  pupils  and  students  of  all  grades, 
if  an  exact  logical  method  could  be  adopted  in  the 
order  of  studies,  so  that  every  new  study  would 
naturally  grow  out  of  the  one  that  had  preceded  it. 
For  every  large  subject  is  complex  and  embraces  a 
great  number  of  component  subjects,  and  most  of 
these  can  be  arranged  in  a  series  of  logically  con- 
nected ideas  or  facts.  A  treatise  on  any  science  is 
easy  or  hard  in  proportion  as  this  is  done.  The 
need  of  method  increases  with  the  complexity  of  a 
science.  Sociology,  as  the  most  complex  of  all  the 
sciences,  has  the  greatest  need  of  it. 

31.  A  true  science  is  a  field  of  phenomena  occurring  Science  as  a 
in  regular  order  as  the  effects  of  natural  causes,  such  J^am  ° 
that  a  knowledge  of  the  causes  renders  it  possible  to 
predict  the  effects.  The  causes  are  always  the  natural 
forces.  The  order  in  which  the  phenomena  occur  con- 
stitutes the  laws  that  govern  the  science.  These  laws 
must  be  studied  until  they  are  understood  the  same  as 
the  laws  of  gravitation,  heat,  and  light  in  physics  have 
been  studied.  In  sociology  there  is  a  disposition  to 
deny  that  there  are  any  such  laws,  forces,  or  causes. 
The  favorite  standpoint  of  all  who  dispute  the  title 
of  sociology  to  rank  as  a  science  is  that  of  mathe- 
matics. The  laws  of  astronomy,  of  physics,  and  to 
a  large  extent  of  chemistry,  can  be  reduced  to  mathe- 


tion. 


16  Methodology 

matical  notation.  The  assumption  is  that  anything 
that  cannot  be  so  reduced  cannot  be  a  science.  It 
does  not  always  follow  that  because  the  phenomena 
embraced  by  a  science  are  subject  to  uniform  laws 
they  can  always  be  reduced  to  mathematical  for- 
mulas. Only  a  comparatively  small  part  of  physics 
is  of  a  character  to  require  mathematical  treatment. 
It  is  still  less  so  in  chemistry.  Uniform  laws  or 
processes  are  the  essentials  of  a  science.  Their 
mathematical  expression  is  not  essential.  The  soci- 
ologist, therefore,  need  only  inquire  whether  society 
is  a  domain  of  uniform  laws.  That  it  should  not  seem 
to  be  is  natural  enough  to  superficial  observers.1 
Generaiiza-  32.  The  principle  which  underlies  the  proposition 
that  sociology  is  a  true  science  is  that  in  the  complex 
sciences  the  quality  of  exactness  is  only  perceptible  in 
their  Jiigher  generalizations.  The  method  in  sociology 
is  generalization.  Precisely  what  is  meant  by  this  may 
require  some  illustration.  It  is  essentially  the  process 
of  grouping  phenomena  and  using  the  groups  as  units. 
The  phenomena  of  society  are  omnipresent.  They 
obtrude  upon  the  view  at  every  turn.  The  facts 
that  the  sociologist  must  use  are  spontaneously  sup- 
plied to  him  every  moment  and  everywhere.  He 
need  not  go  in  search  of  them.  The  ones  that  are 
thus  hourly  thrust  upon  him  are  the  most  important 
of  all.  If  he  travel  through  all  lands,  he  will  find 
the  same  facts.  What  he  will  find  additional  is  only 
auxiliary  and  valuable  for  comparative  study.  Yet 
as  a  rule  only  the  sociologist  or  true  student  of 
society  comprehends  these  facts. 

1  See  Pure  sociology ;  Kant,  p.  152,  Quetelet,  p.  149. 


The   Method  of  Generalization  27 

33.  In  the  domain  of    anthropology  we  find  this   in  anthro- 
truth  exemplified  at   every  point.     What  Tylor  has  polosy- 
called  ethnographic  parallels,  viz.,  the  occurrence  of 

the  same  or  similar  customs,  practices,  ceremonies, 
arts,  beliefs,  and  even  games,  symbols,  and  patterns, 
in  peoples  of  nearly  the  same  culture  at  widely  sepa- 
rated regions  of  the  globe,  proves,  except  in  a  few 
cases  of  known  derivation  through  migration,  that 
there  is  a  uniform  law  in  the  psychic  and  social 
development  of  mankind  at  all  times  and  under  all 
circumstances.  The  details  will  vary  with  the  cli- 
mate and  other  physical  differences  in  the  environ- 
ment, but  if  we  continue  to  rise  in  the  process  of 
generalization,  we  will  ultimately  reach  a  plane  on 
which  all  mankind  are  alike. 

34.  Even  in  civilized  races  there  are  certain  things   in  great 
absolutely  common  to  all.    The  great  primary  feelings  Pnmary 
and   wants  are  the  same  the  world  over.     Political  passions, 
organizations  seem  to  differ  immensely,  but  there  is 

much  more  agreement  than  difference.  Creeds, 
cults,  and  sects  multiply  and  seem  to  present  the 
utmost  heterogeneity,  but  there  is  a  common  basis 
even  of  belief,  and  on  certain  occasions  all  some- 
times unite  in  a  common  cause.  Not  only  are  the 
common  wants  of  men  the  same,  but  their  passions 
are  also  the  same,  and  those  acts  growing  out  of 
them  which  are  regarded  as  destructive  of  the  social 
order  and  condemned  by  law  and  public  opinion  are 
committed  in  the  face  of  these  restraining  influences 
with  astonishing  regularity.  This  is  not  seen  by  the 
ordinary  observer,  but  when  accurate  statistics  are 
brought  to  bear  upon  this  class  of  social  phenomena, 


28  Methodology 

they  prove  to  be  quite  as  uniform,  though  not  quite 
so  frequent,  as  the  normal  operations  of  life.1 

35.  This  then  is  what  is  meant  by  generalization. 
We  have  only  to  carry  it  far  enough  in  order  to 
arrive  at  unity.  Society  is  a  domain  of  law,  and 
sociology  is  an  abstract  science  in  the  sense  that  it 
does  not  attend  to  details  except  as  aids  in  arriving 
at  the  law  that  underlies  them  all. 
Law  in  This  has  been  called  the  historical  perspective.     It 

is  the  discovery  of  law  in  history,  whether  it  be  the 
history  of  the  past  or  the  present,  and  including 
under  history  social  as  well  as  political  phenomena. 
There  is  nothing  very  new  in  this.  It  is  really  the 
oldest  of  all  sociological  conceptions.  The  earliest 
gropings  after  a  social  science  consisted  in  a  recogni- 
tion of  law  in  human  affairs.  The  so-called  precur- 
sors of  sociology  have  been  those  who  have  perceived 
more  or  less  distinctly  a  method  or  order  in  human 
events.  All  who  have  done  this,  however  dimly, 
have  been  set  down  as  the  heralds  of  the  new 
science.  Such  adumbrations  of  the  idea  of  law  in 
society  were  frequent  in  antiquity.  In  mediaeval 
times  they  were  more  rare ;  but  before  Comte  had 
given  name  and  form  to  sociology  Saint-Simon, 
Bastiat,  Carey,  and  John  Stuart  Mill  had  more  or 
less  clearly  formulated  the  general  doctrine  of  his- 
torical determinism,  and  the  philosophy  of  history 
had  received  wide  recognition.  The  theologically 
inclined,  when  this  truth  was  brought  home  to  them, 
characterized  it  by  the  phrase  "God  in  history,"  and 
saw  in  the  order  of  events  the  divine  hand  guiding 

1  Cooley,  Human  nature  and  the  social  order. 


Law  of  Parsimony  29 

the  acts  of  men  toward  some  predestined  goal.  This 
is  perhaps  the  most  common  view  to-day,  and  the 
general  optimism  of  mankind  furnishes  all  the  faith 
necessary  to  harmonize  the  doctrine  with  the  scien- 
tific law  of  human  evolution.  But  science  deals  with 
phenomena  and  can  only  deal  with  phenomena. 
Sociology,  therefore,  becomes  a  science  only  when 
human  events  are  recognized  as  phenomena,  and 
as  phenomena  of  the  same  general  character  as 
other  natural  phenomena,  only  more  complex  and 
difficult  to  study  on  account  of  the  subtle  psychic 
causes  that  so  largely  produce  them. 

36.  Careful  observation  reveals  the  fact  that  all  The  law  of 
social  phenomena  are  the  results  of  laws.  But  the  PH?1™11^ 
fundamental  law  of  everything  psychic,  and  espe- 
cially of  everything  that  is  affected  by  intelligence, 
is  the  law  of  parsimony.  This  law  was  first  clearly 
grasped  by  the  political  economists,  and  by  many  it 
is  regarded  as  only  an  economic  law.  Here  it  is 
usually  called  the  law  of  greatest  gain  for  least  effort, 
and  is  the  basis  of  scientific  economics.  But  it  is 
much  broader  than  this,  and  not  only  plays  an  impor- 
tant role  in  psychology,  but  becomes,  in  that  collec- 
tive psychology  which  constitutes  so  nearly  the  whole 
of  sociology,  the  scientific  corner-stone  of  that  science 
also.  We  have  seen  that  the  quality  of  scientific 
exactness  in  sociology  can  only  be  clearly  perceived 
in  its  higher  generalizations,  where  we  can  plainly 
see  the  relations  and  can  be  sure  of  their  absolute 
uniformity  and  reliability.  When  we  reach  the  law 
of  parsimony,  we  seem  to  have  attained  the  maximum 
stage  of  generalization,  and  have  a  law  as  exact  as 


3<d  Methodology 

any  in  physics  or  astronomy.  It  is,  for  example, 
perfectly  safe  to  assume  that  under  any  and  all  con- 
ceivable circumstances  a  sentient,  and  especially  a 
rational  being,  will  always  seek  the  greatest  gain,  or 
the  maximum  resultant  of  gain  —  his  "  marginal  " 
advantage.  Those  who  are  shocked  by  such  a  propo- 
sition take  too  narrow  a  view  of  the  subject.  They 
think  that  they  do  not  always  seek  their  greatest 
gain,  and  give  illustrations  of  actions  performed  that 
result  in  a  loss  instead  of  a  gain.  This  is  because 
they  understand  by  gain  only  pecuniary  gain,  or  only 
gain  in  temporary  enjoyment  or  immediate  satisfac- 
tion. If  they  could  analyze  their  feelings,  they  would 
see  that  they  were  merely  sacrificing  a  present  to  a 
future  advantage,  or  a  lower  to  a  higher  satisfaction. 
Shown  in  the  37.  But  this  is  by  no  means  the  whole  meaning  of 
interests0  ^e  ^aW-  ^  deals  solely  with  motives,  and  worthy 
motives  are  as  potent  as  unworthy  ones.  It  is  based, 
it  is  true,  on  interests,  but  interest  is  much  more 
frequently  good  than  bad.  It  was  necessarily  good, 
at  least  for  the  individual,  in  the  beginning,  since  it 
had  the  mission  to  impel  activities  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  life  and  race.  Men  feel  an  interest  in  doing 
good,  and  moral  interest  is  as  real  as  any  other. 
Ratzenhofer1  shows  that  men  have  been  profoundly 
moved  by  what  he  calls  transcendental  interests, 
which  he  defines  as  a  striving  after  the  infinite,  and 
to  this  he  attributes  the  great  religious  movements  in 
society.  If  therefore  we  take  into  account  all  these 
different  kinds  of  interest,  physical,  racial  {Gattnngs- 
mteresse),  moral,  social,  and  transcendental,  it  becomes 

1  Die  sociologische  Erkenntnis. 


Pursuit  of  Interests  31 

clear  that  all  action  is  based  on  supposed  gain  of 
one  or  another  of  these  orders.  Still,  the  world  has 
never  reached  a  stage  where  the  physical  and  tempo- 
rary interests  have  not  been  largely  in  the  ascendant, 
and  it  is  these  upon  which  the  economists  have  es- 
tablished their  science.  Self-preservation  has  always 
been  the  first  law  of  nature,  and  that  which  best 
insures  this  is  the  greatest  gain.  So  unerring  is  this 
law  that  it  is  easy  to  create  a  class  of  paupers  or 
mendicants  by  simply  letting  it  be  known  that  food 
or  alms  will  be  given  to  those  who  ask.  In  this 
respect  men  are  like  animals.  In  fact,  this  is  pre- 
cisely the  principle  that  underlies  the  domestication 
of  animals  and  the  taming  of  wild  beasts.  So  soon 
as  the  creature  learns  that  it  will  not  be  molested 
and  that  its  wants  will  be  supplied,  it  submits  to 
the  will  of  man  and  becomes  a  parasite.  Parasitism, 
indeed,  throughout  the  organic  world  is  only  an  appli- 
cation of  the  law  of  parsimony. 

While  therefore  no  law  carrbe  laid  down  as  to  how 
any  individual  will  act  under  a  given  set  of  circum- 
stances, in  consequence  of  the  enormous  number  and 
variety  of  causes  that  combine  to  determine  any 
single  act,  we  have  a  law  which  determines  with 
absolute  certainty  how  all  men  may  be  depended 
upon  to  act.  If  there  is  any  apparent  exception  to 
this  law,  we  may  be  sure  that  some  element  has  been 
overlooked  in  the  calculation. 

REFERENCES   TO   WARD'S   OTHER  WORKS 

Dynamic  sociology.     Topics   in  Index,  volume   II:  Generality; 
Generalization  ;    Observation  ;    Scientific   method  ;   Synthesis. 
Pure  sociology.     Chapters  IV  and  IX,  pp.  161-163. 


CHAPTER   V 

THE  SUBJECT-MATTER  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

38.  Human  achievement.  39.  The  natural  history  of  man.  40.  His- 
tory of  culture.  41.  Distinction  between  organic  and  social  evo- 
lution. 42.  What  is  civilization  ?  43.  Utilization  of  force  and 
matter.  44.  Material  wealth.  45.  Inventions  as  achievements. 
46.  Tools  of  the  mind.  47.  The  industrial  arts.  48.  Protective 
achievements.  49.  Human  institutions  as  achievements.  50.  So- 
cial continuity:  51.  In  historic  races  only.  52.  Achievement 
through  knowledge.  53.  Genius.  54.  Pessimism.  55.  The  love 
of  achievement.     56.   The  immortality  of  deeds. 

Human  38.    The    subject-matter    of    sociology    is    human 

achievement.  It  is  not  what  men  are,  but  what 
they  do.  The  animal  world,  properly  speaking, 
achieves  nothing.  It  may  work  changes,  more  or 
less  extensive,  in  the  face  of  nature,  but  this  is 
merely  the  incidental  result  of  activities  which  do 
not  have  any  such  effect  for  their  object.  Nothing 
in  the  nature  of  art  exists  below  the  human  stage. 
Now  the  facts  that  make  up  the  data  of  sociology  are 
the  manifestations  of  the  qualities  or  properties  of 
the  multitudinous  units  of  society  or  individual  men. 
These  differ  at  different  times  and  places  and  con- 
stitute a  complex  manifold  or  multiple.  The  study 
of  such  a  varying  manifold,  however  viewed,  is  es- 
sentially in  the  nature  of  history,  and  therefore  the 
approaches  to  sociological  study  are  all  primarily 
historical. 

32 


Stages  of  Culture  33 

39.  This  history  of  society  readily  subdivides  into  The  natural 
two  groups,  according  to  whether  we  study  man  him-  man*70 
self  in  his  natural  aspect,  or  his  achievements.     The 

first  of  these  groups  is  anthropology  in  its  proper 
sense,  and  would,  rigidly  applied,  exclude  technology 
and  archaeology.  It  might  be  extended  to  embrace  the 
ruder  forms  of  art,  but  it  has  chiefly  to  do  with  race 
characteristics,  including  everything  that  serves  to 
differentiate  the  groups  of  human  beings  found  in- 
habiting the  earth.  In  short,  it  is  par  excellence  the 
natural  history  of  man. 

40.  The  second  subdivision  of  the  subject,  which   History  of 
relates  to  human  achievement,  considers  everything 

which  can,  in  the  broadest  acceptation  of  the  term, 
be  classed  under  the  head  of  human  institutions. 
This  branch  deals  essentially  with  what  ethnologists 
denominate  culture,  and  constitutes  history  proper. 
The  several  stages  of  culture  —  savagery,  barbarism, 
civilization,  enlightenment —  are  so  many  steps  in  the 
general  progress  of  what  is  called  civilization  in  the 
broader  and  more  popular  sense.  In  the  history  of 
culture,  as  distinguished  from  the  natural  history  of 
man,  he  is  considered  as  primarily  a  producer  of  what 
did  not  exist  before.  While  we  are  unacquainted 
with  any  stage  of  human  history  in  which  these  two 
states  do  not  coexist,  it  is  a  highly  logical  mode  of 
studying  the  subject  to  treat  them  apart.  Sociology 
is,  therefore,  concerned  with  social  activities.  It  is  a 
study  of  action,  i.e.,  of  phenomena.  It  is  a  study  of 
how  the  various  social  products  have  been  created. 
These  products  once  formed  become  permanent. 
They  may   be    slowly  modified   and    perfected,    but 


34  The  Subject-matter  of  Sociology 


Distinction 
between 
organic  and 
social  evo- 
lution. 


What  is 
civilization? 


they  constitute  the  basis  for  new  products,  and  so 
on  indefinitely. 

41.  It  is  this  fact  of  permanent  human  achieve- 
ment that  makes  the  broad  distinction  between  animal 
and  human  societies.  The  formula  that  expresses 
this  distinction  the  most  clearly  is  that  the  environ-: 
ment  transforms  the  animal,  while  man  transforms 
the  environment.  Now  it  is  exactly  this  transforma- 
tion of  the  environment  that  constitutes  achievement. 
The  animal  achieves  nothing.  The  organic  world  is 
passive.  It  is  acted  upon  by  the  environment  and 
adapted  to  it.  Man,  on  the  contrary,  as  a  psychically 
developed  being,  and  in  increasing  degrees  in  pro- 
portion to  his  psychic  development,  is  active  and 
assumes  the  initiative,  molding  nature  to  his  own 
use.  There  has  been  no  important  organic  change 
in  man  during  the  historic  period.  Yet  his  power  of 
vision  has  been  enormously  increased  by  all  the  appli- 
cations of  the  lens,  his  power  of  locomotion  has  been 
multiplied  by  the  invention  of  propelling  machines, 
and  his  strength  has  become  almost  unlimited  by 
calling  the  forces  of  nature  to  his  assistance.  Tools 
are  vastly  more  effective  than  teeth  or  claws.  In  the 
electric  transmission  of  thought  across  continents  and 
seas  he  has  developed  an  organ  of  which  no  animal 
possesses  a  rudiment.  Still  better  he  has  enormously 
increased  production  through  a  long  series  of  inven- 
tions. It  is  all  the  result  of  man's  power  to  trans- 
form the  environment.  The  artificial  modification  of 
natural  phenomena  is  the  great  characteristic  fact  in 
human  activity.     It  is  what  constitutes  achievement. 

42.  What  then  in  reality  constitutes  civilization  ? 


Material   Civilization  35 

Material  civilization  consists  in  the  utilization  of  the 
materials  and  forces  of  nature.  The  spiritual  part 
of  civilization  is  at  least  conditioned  upon  material 
civilization.  It  does  not  derogate  from  its  worth  to 
admit  that  without  a  material  basis  it  cannot  exist. 
The  moment  such  a  basis  is  supplied,  it  comes  forth 
in  all  ages  and  races  of  men.  It  may,  therefore,  be 
regarded  as  innate  in  man  and  potential  everywhere, 
but  a  flower  so  delicate  that  it  can  only  bloom  in  the 
rich  soil  of  material  prosperity.  No  amount  of  care 
devoted  to  it  alone  could  make  it  flourish  in  the  ab- 
sence of  suitable  conditions ;  with  such  conditions  it 
requires  no  special  attention.  It  may,  therefore,  be 
dismissed  from  our  consideration,  and  our  interest 
henceforth  centered  in  the  question  of  material  civili- 
zation, and  this  will  be  understood  without  the  use  of 
the  adjective.1 

43.  As  examples  of  the  forces  that  are  utilized  in  utilization  of 
civilization,  stated  in  something  like  the  historical  I^6^™1 
order  of  their  use,  may  be  mentioned  heat,  light, 
gravitation,  wind,  water,  steam,  and  electricity.  The 
value  of  water  as  a  power  is  in  its  weight,  so  that  this 
is  only  one  of  the  many  applications  of  gravitation. 
Perhaps  earlier  than  any  other  is  the  power  of  inertia 
in  ponderable  matter  by  which,  even  in  the  club,  it  is 
made  to  increase  the  efficiency  of  the  unaided  hands. 
Still  more  subtle,  but  immensely  effective,  is  the  use 
of  the  principle  of  the  lever  and  fulcrum,  by  which 
effects  are  rendered  vastly  greater  than  the  muscular 
force  exerted.  These  are  only  a  few  of  the  most  ob- 
vious of  nature's  powers  which  man  learned  to  profit 

1  Loria,  Economic  foundations  of  society. 


36  The   Subject-matter  of  Sociology 


Material 
wealth. 


Inventions 
as  achieve- 
ments. 


by.  Of  materials  or  substances,  the  simplest  were 
wood,  clay,  stone,  and  the  metals  as  fast  as  means 
were  discovered  of  separating  them  from  their  ores. 
The  reason  why  bronze  (copper)  antedates  iron  is  that 
it  more  frequently  occurs  in  a  pure  state,  for  it  is  much 
less  abundant.  Aluminum,  perhaps  the  most  abun- 
dant of  all  metals,  was  among  the  last  to  be  utilized, 
solely  because  so  difficult  to  obtain  in  a  pure  state. 
After  these  came  the  multitudinous  chemical  sub- 
stances, elementary  and  composite,  that  are  now 
applied  to  innumerable  uses. 

44.  Let  us  now  inquire  more  specially  what  are 
the  products  of  achievement.  The  chief  failure  to 
understand  them  is  due  to  the  false  and  superficial 
view  that  they  consist  in  material  goods,  or  wealth. 
Because  welfare  is  so  largely  dependent  on  wealth,  it 
is  natural  to  suppose  that  wealth  is  the  main  condition 
to  progress.  Material  goods,  as,  for  example,  food, 
clothing,  and  shelter,  are,  it  is  true,  the  ends;  but  the 
real  products  of  achievement  are  means.  They  are 
the  means  to  these  ends,  and  not  the  ends  themselves. 
Involved  in  the  idea  of  achievement  is  that  of  perma- 
nence. Nothing  that  is  not  permanent  can  be  said  to 
have  been  achieved,  at  least  in  the  sense  in  which 
that  term  is  here  employed.  Now,  material  goods  are 
all  perishable.  Most  goods  of  course  are  consumed 
at  once.  For  the  real  end  is  consumption,  and  goods 
have  no  value  except  in  consumption. 

45.  Achievement  does  not  consist  in  wealth. 
Wealth  is  fleeting  and  ephemeral.  Achievement  is 
permanent  and  eternal.  Wealth,  the  transient,  is 
material ;  achievement,  the  enduring,  is  immaterial 


Human  Achievements  37 

The  products  of  achievement  are  not  material  things 
at  all.  As  said  before,  they  are  not  ends,  but  means. 
They  are  methods,  ways,  principles,  devices,  arts, 
systems,  institutions.  In  a  word,  they  are  inventions. 
Every  such  increment  to  civilization  is  a  permanent 
gain,  because  it  is  imitated,  repeated,  perpetuated,  and 
never  lost.  It  is  chiefly  mental  or  psychical,  but  it 
may  be  physical  in  the  sense  of  skill.  Mere  muscular 
strength  soon  yields  to  cunning  and  skill.  These  do 
not  achieve  until  they  begin  to  create.  Language 
itself  was  an  achievement  of  stupendous  import,  and 
every  one  of  the  steps  it  has  taken  —  gesture,  oral, 
written,  printed  forms  of  language  —  has  marked  an 
epoch  in  the  progress  of  man.  Literature  has  become 
one  of  the  great  achievements.  Art,  too,  is  an 
achievement  upon  which  we  need  not  dwell.  Philos- 
ophy and  science  must  be  ranked  as  achievements, 
vast  and  far-reaching  in  their  consequences.  The 
invention  of  tools,  instruments,  utensils,  missiles,  traps, 
snares,  and  weapons  comes  under  this  head,  crowned 
by  the  era  of  machinofacture,  artificial  locomotion,  and 
electric  intercommunication. 

46.  All  these  are  too  obvious  and  important  to  Tools  of 
have  escaped  the  observation  of  any  one.  But  there  the  mlnd- 
is  another  class  of  products  of  achievement  that  are 
at  once  typical,  important,  and  little  thought  of  in  this 
connection.  They  may  be  called  the  tools  of  the 
mind.  An  arithmetical  notation,  or  mode  of  express- 
ing numbers  by  symbols  of  any  kind,  is  such  a  tool 
of  the  mind,  and  all  leading  races  have  devised  some- 
thing of  the  kind.  Greece  had  hers,  and  Rome  hers. 
We  still  make  some  use  of   the   latter.     But   these 


f" 


tfTiT-  'r 


38  The  Subject-matter  of  Sociology 

systems  vary  greatly  in  value  and  usefulness,  accord- 
ing to  their  simplicity  and  flexibility.  The  system 
that  is  now  universally  employed  by  civilized  races  is 
called  the  Arabic  system,  but  it  is  probable  that  the 
Arabs  only  somewhat  improved  it  after  receiving  it 
from  the  East.  Its  peculiar  merit  consists  in  what  is 
called  the  value  of  position,  and  this  it  is  which  gives 
it  its  wonderful  adaptability  to  business  uses.  It  is  a 
typical  permanent  human  achievement.  The  three 
great  arts  of  reading,  writing,  and  calculating,  viewed 
from  a  philosophical  standpoint,  have  raised  that  part 
of  mankind  who  possess  them  high  above  all  those 
races  in  which  they  are  unknown,  or  only  rudimentary. 
The  unreflecting  have  little  idea  of  the  importance  of 
these  factors  in  giving  superiority  to  the  advanced 
races.  The  natural  superiority  of  civilized  races  as 
compared  with  uncivilized  ones  is  greatly  exaggerated, 
and  it  is  almost  wholly  due  to  this  vast  mechanical 
equipment  of  acquired  aptitudes,  built  up  along  one 
advancing  line  of  social  development,  increment  upon 
increment. 
The  indus-  47.    The  industrial  arts  form  a  much  more  obvious, 

though  perhaps  not  more  important,  class  of  human 
achievements.  They  are  greatly  dependent  at  every 
step  on  the  tools  of  the  mind,  and,  properly  viewed, 
they  are  almost  as  completely  psychic  in  their  nature. 
For  all  art  is  due  to  invention,  and  invention  is  a 
mental  operation.  Every  tool  or  implement  of  indus- 
try, however  primitive  and  rude,  has  cost  a  large 
amount,  in  the  aggregate,  of  thought,  although  it  may 
be  the  product  of  a  long  series  of  slight  improvements, 
distributing  the  mental  energy  through  many  differ 


trial  arts. 


Classes  of  Achievement  39 

ent  minds  acting  in  different  generations.  Thought 
is  thus  dynamic  when  applied  to  matter.  The  new 
and  better  article,  if  used,  will  wear  out,  but  the  mate- 
rialized idea  lives  on  in  the  reproduction  of  the 
article  as  long  as  it  serves  its  purpose.  What  the 
inventor  does  is  to  discover  the  principle  by  which  he 
can  cause  the  forces  of  nature,  including  the  proper- 
ties of  the  substances  that  he  is  acquainted  with,  to 
do  the  work  that  he  wishes  to  have  done  and  cannot 
do  with  his  unaided  hands.  The  discovery  of  this 
principle  and  the  mode  of  applying  it  is  what  con- 
stitutes the  achievement.  This  discovery,  and  not 
the  resulting  material  product,  is  the  lasting  element 
in  the  operation.  It  can  be  used  thenceforth  for  all 
time.     It  never  wears  out  and  is  never  lost. 

48.  These  two  great  classes  of  products  of  achieve-  Protective 
ment,  means  of  handling  quantities  and  means  of  ^e„tJe" 
utilizing  forces,  are  perhaps  the  most  important, 
and  they  have  chiefly  rendered  civilization  possi- 
ble. But  others  might  be  enumerated  which  are 
essentially  social  in  their  character,  and  relate  to  men 
in  a  collective  capacity.  To  mention  them  in  some- 
thing like  the  probable  order  of  their  development, 
we  may  enumerate  military  systems,  political  systems, 
juridical  systems,  and  industrial  systems.  The  earli- 
est of  the  whole  series  of  means  for  organizing  the 
social  forces  were  military  systems,  and  all  others 
grew  out  of  them.  The  transition  from  military  to 
political  control  was  natural  and  gradual,  and  the 
state  was  the  normal  and  legitimate  outcome,  first 
military,  then  political.  Law,  too,  began  as  an 
economic    method  of   escape   from  the  necessity  of 


40  The  Subject-matter  of  Sociology 


Human  in- 
stitutions as 
achieve- 
ments. 


Social  con- 
tinuity. 


constantly  exercising  military  and  civil  power,  and 
systems  of  jurisprudence  were  a  natural  outgrowth 
of  social  conditions.  Lastly,  the  industrial  system,  as 
such,  could  only  arise  under  the  protection  of  army, 
state,  and  law.  These  may  therefore  be  called  pro- 
tective or  conservative  systems  or  achievements,  and 
neither  industry,  art,  nor  science  could  thrive  except 
under  the  protection  of  law  and  government  having  a 
final  appeal  to  the  military  power. 

49.  Finally,  it  may  be  said  in  general  that  all 
human  institutions  are  achievements.  Even  those 
that  we  now  consider  bad  were  useful  in  the  wider 
sense  in  their  day  and  age.  The  fact  that  they  were 
developed  and  actually  came  into  existence  proves  to 
the  sociologist  that  they  must  have  served  a  purpose. 
The  term  institution  is  capable  of  such  expansion  as 
to  embrace  all  human  achievement,  and  in  this  en- 
larged sense  institutions  become  the  chief  study  of 
the  sociologist.  All  achievements  are  institutions, 
and  there  is  a  decided  gain  to  the  mind  in  seeking  to 
determine  the  true  subject-matter  of  sociology,  to  re- 
gard human  institutions  and  human  achievement  as 
synonymous  terms,  and  as  constituting,  in  the  broad- 
est sense  of  both,  the  field  of  research  of  a  great 
science. 

50.  These  products  of  achievement  that  we  have 
been  considering  have  one  fundamental  condition, 
without  which  they  would  have  been  impossible. 
They  absolutely  require  social  continuity.  Social 
continuity  is  an  important  factor,  but  it  does  not 
apply  to  all  the  populations  of  the  globe.  It  is  a 
purely  sociological  fact  that  all  the  human  races  do 


Social   Continuity  41 

not  belong  to  one  and  the  same  series  of  cultural  de- 
velopment. Many  of  them  are  so  primitive  that  even 
when  brought  into  contact  with  the  historic  races, 
they  have  nothing  to  contribute  to  the  general  stream 
of  culture,  and  become  simply  subjects  for  natural 
history  study,  like  the  flora  and  fauna  of  the  regions 
they  inhabit.  But  there  are  others,  such  as  most  of 
the  Asiatic  races,  who  have  followed  lines  of  their 
own,  and  must  have  a  certain  culture  history,  which, 
however,  is  so  unlike  that  of  the  European  races 
that  there  is  very  little  in  common  between  them. 
Oriental  civilization  seems  to  have  consisted  chiefly 
in  what  may  be  called  spiritual  culture,  largely  ignor- 
ing material  culture.  But  as  matter  alone  is  dynamic, 
they  have  acquired  very  little  social  energy,  or  social 
efficiency.  They  have  not  called  nature  to  their  as- 
sistance, and  consequently  they  are  practically  pow- 
erless when  brought  into  competition  with  Western 
civilization.  They  lack  in  great  measure  the  industrial 
efficiency  of  the  West.  They  lack  chiefly  the  me- 
chanic arts,  and  have  developed  but  little  machino- 
facture,  being  confined  in  the  main  to  manufacture  in 
the  literal  sense.  They  have  not  employed  the  two 
great  agencies,  steam  and  electricity.  Even  if  their 
civilization  represents  a  longer  line  than  that  of  the 
Occident,  it  is  certainly  immensely  behind  it  in  these 
respects,  which  we  regard  as  the  most  important  ones. 

51.    Sociology,    as   distinguished   from    anthropol-  in  historic 
ogy,  deals  mainly  with  historic  races,  because  here  raceson,y- 
alone  is  social  continuity,  the  sine  qua  non  of  achieve- 
ment.   Such  races  may  properly  be  called,  in  analogy 
to  the  use  of  the  term  in  biology,  the  favored  races. 


42  The  Subject-matter  of  Sociology 

These  alone  have  built  up  a  civilization.  They  have 
achieved  and  handed  down  the  products  from  gener- 
ation to  generation,  and  from  age  to  age.  The  study 
of  uncivilized  races,  therefore,  is,  and  must  remain, 
anthropology  and  not  sociology.  This  is  true  even 
for  the  Asiatic  civilizations.  They  can  be  used  by  the 
sociologist  to  furnish  valuable  illustrations  and  com- 
parisons, but  beyond  this  they  form  no  part  of  soci- 
ology proper.  Should  they  ever  adopt  Western 
methods,  acquire  the  Western  spirit,  and  fall  entirely 
into  line  with  the  Western  world,  the  case  would  be 
changed.  The  widest  chasm  that  separates  the  East 
from  the  West  is  the  lack  of  individuality  in  the 
former  contrasted  with  the  exuberant  individualism 
of  the  latter.  The  spirit  of  resignation,  the  prevail- 
ing philosophy  of  quietism,  the  denial  or  complete 
subordination  of  the  will  to  live,  that  prevail  under 
Buddhism,  Brahminism,  Shintoism,  and  other  Orien- 
tal '  isms,'  are  fatal  to  that  vigorous  push  which  has 
wrought  Western  civilization.  Desire  is  the  social 
force,  and  where  there  is  no  desire,  no  will,  there  is 
no  force,  no  social  energy.  Civilization  is  the  product 
of  active  social  energy.  It  is  this  that  makes  men 
fight  and  conquer  and  struggle,  and  undertake  voy- 
ages of  discovery  in  search  of  golden  fleeces,  or  El 
Dorados,  or  Northwest  Passages.  It  impels  man- 
kind to  explore,  to  migrate,  to  invent,  to  labor,  to  pro- 
duce wealth,  to  seek  knowledge,  to  discover  truth, 
to  create  objects  both  of  use  and  beauty,  —  in  a  word, 
to  achieve. 
Achieve-  g2.    It  must  be  clear  from  all  that  has  been  said 

ment  through      ,  ,  .  . 

knowledge,      that  the  essential  characteristic  of  all  achievement  is 


All  Achievement  is   Knowledge  43 

some  form  of  knoivledge.  But  knowledge,  unlike 
capacity,  cannot  be  transmitted  through  heredity.  It 
has  to  be  acquired  anew  by  every  member  of  society, 
and  handed  down  to  later  generations.  A  few  rare 
minds  have  dimly  seen  that  civilization  consists  in  the 
cumulative  light  of  knowledge.  But  this  conception 
is  only  an  approach  toward  the  truth.  No  one  man, 
however  wise,  and  though  immortal,  could  have  ac- 
complished what  all  men  have  accomplished.  This 
brings  us  in  full  view  of  one  of  the  most  important 
and  at  the  same  time  most  neglected  factors  of  social 
evolution,  viz.,  that  of  individuality  in  achievement. 
Civilization  advances  in  much  the  same  way  that 
science  advances.  It  is  not  the  work  of  any  one  man, 
but  of  thousands  of  men.  Each  one  of  these  thou- 
sands does  a  somewhat  different  work  from  any  other. 
This  is  due  to  the  natural  inequalities  of  men,  chiefly 
to  varied  intellectual  capacities  and  attainments  which 
cause  them  to  follow  different  and  almost  infinitely 
varied  lines  and  produce  correspondingly  varied 
results.  Different  schools  of  art  are  represented  by 
great  masters ;  each  has  added  something  to  the  work 
of  all  the  rest.  There  are  schools  of  architecture,  of 
sculpture,  of  painting,  of  music ;  types  of  poetry  and 
prose  literature ;  systems  of  philosophy  ;  world  views 
and  religious  systems ;  qualitative  and  quantitative 
powers  of  perceiving  utilities,  resulting  in  innumer- 
able inventions  and  arts  —  all  due  to  natural  inequali- 
ties in  men.  It  is  thus  that  civilization  acquires  its 
volume  and  that  it  becomes  that  infinitely  complex 
and  varied  field  of  study  which  the  sociologist  finds 
before  him. 


44  The  Subject-matter  of  Sociology 


Genius.  53.    Here  arises  the  question  of  the  nature  of  genius 

in  general.  It  is  necessary  to  use  the  word  genius, 
if  we  use  it  at  all,  in  a  very  broad  sense.  Genius  is  a 
sort  of  focalization  of  psychic  power.  While  there  is 
an  immense  range  to  the  human  mind  in  general,  and 
enormous  differences  in  the  aggregate  capacity  of 
different  minds,  this  difference  is  still  further  in- 
creased by  a  sort  of  unconscious  or  natural  concen- 
tration of  psychic  power  in  special  ways  in  the  same 
mind.  That  is  to  say,  a  mind  of  only  average  aggre- 
gate capacity  may  draw  off  from  all  but  one  of  its 
faculties  and  add  on  to  that  one,  until  it  becomes 
wonderfully  keen  or  able  or  efficient  in  that  one  direc- 
tion. This  is  the  case  with  most  typical  geniuses  in 
any  particular  form  of  achievement.  It  is  proverbial 
that  artists  are  very  mediocre  in  all  but  their  art.  It 
is  the  same  with  poets  and  usually  with  philosophers. 
It  is  a  sort  of  psychic  division  of  labor  that  society 
creates,  whereby  with  a  large  number  of  workers  it 
can  accomplish  the  maximum  results,  just  as  by  the 
industrial  division  of  labor  much  greater  results  are 
accomplished  than  could  be  done  if  all  were  doing  all 
kinds  of  work  and  only  doing  them  moderately  well. 

Pessimism.  54.    It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  paucity  of  true 

men  in  the  world  tends  to  make  a  thoughtful  person 
pessimistic,  unless  he  has  learned  to  study  man  ob- 
jectively as  a  naturalist  studies  animals.  The  point 
of  view  of  this  chapter  furnishes  a  remedy  for  this 
form  of  pessimism.  It  does  not  really  study  men  or 
the  human  race  at  all.  That  belongs  to  other  sciences 
than  sociology ;  chiefly  to  anthropology.  It  studies 
activities,  results,  products,  in  a  word,  achievement. 


The   Remedy   for  Pessimism  45 

Viewed  in  this  light  the  contemptible  side  of  humanity- 
vanishes  from  view,  and  only  what  is  worthy  or  grand 
is  presented  to  the  gaze.  Even  the  relatively  trifling 
character  of  the  contribution  of  most  individuals  need 
not  absorb  attention,  but  only  aggregates.  Just  as 
the  geologist,  although  no  one  knows  as  well  as  he 
that  the  great  ledges  and  canon  walls  were  built  up 
by  minute  accretions  through  eons  of  time,  need  not 
dwell  upon  these  aspects,  but  may  study  as  a  whole 
the  miles  of  stratified  rock,  so  the  sociologist  may 
forget  the  paltry  littleness  of  each  increment  to  civili- 
zation and  the  still  more  paltry  motives  that  inspired 
it,  and  study  the  monument  that  the  race  has  thus 
erected,  classifying  each  stratum,  as  does  the  geolo- 
gist, and  working  out  the  stages  of  human  culture. 
But  the  sociologist  has  an  advantage  over  the  geolo- 
gist. The  latter  finds  the  world  completed,  so  far  as 
need  concern  him.  But  the  sociologist  deals  with  a 
fresh  young  world.  He  can  see  it  grow,  and  he  has 
a  perfect  right  not  only  to  speculate  as  to  the  future 
of  society,  but  also  to  try  to  accelerate  its  growth. 

55.  We  see,  then,  that  the  results  of  human  effort  The  love  of 
in  bringing  about  civilization  may  all  be  compre-  achievement 
hended  under  the  single  word  achievement,  for  it  is 
the  sum-total  of  human  achievement  that  we  call 
civilization.  While  achievement  is  exclusively  the 
work  of  individual  men,  it  can  only  take  place  in  a 
social  state  of  cooperation  on  a  grand  scale.  The 
chief  ambition  of  all  vigorous  minds  and  enlightened 
spirits  becomes  that  of  contributing  something  to  the 
great  stream  of  civilization.  It  is  for  this  to-day  and 
not  for  pelf  that  the  student  burns  the  midnight  oil, 


46  The  Subject-matter  of  Sociology 

that  the  genius  sweeps  the  skies  of  fancy,  that  the 
philosopher  probes  the  depths  of  nature,  that  the  in- 
ventor tests  the  properties  of  substances  and  the 
actions  of  forces,  that  the  specialist  in  any  branch  of 
science  delves  deeper  than  any  of  his  predecessors. 
It  is  said  that  the  love  of  approbation  is  the  principal 
motive,  and  this  may  be  admitted  to  be  a  less  worthy 
motive  than  the  love  of  achievement.  But  when  we 
look  over  the  history  of  achievement,  we  shall  find  that 
love  of  approbation  plays  a  less  prominent  role  than 
would  seem  from  an  observation  of  contemporary 
workers.  Mere  love  of  activity  and  pleasure  in 
mental  exertion  are  powerful  motives  and  have  caused 
the  most  sustained  labor  often  in  immensely  fertile 
directions.  While  therefore  the  love  of  approbation 
enters  into  the  motives  of  men,  it  is  usually  mingled 
with  the  love  of  achievement,  which  often  includes 
the  idea  of  doing  some  good,  and  of  benefiting  man- 
kind. The  desire  to  be  remembered  after  death,  or 
in  remote  future  ages,  must  be  very  strong  in  many. 
This  seems  exactly  intermediate  between  the  love  of 
approbation  and  the  love  of  achievement.  It  is  the 
love  of  approbation  in  the  form  of  ambition  to  be  en- 
rolled after  death  on  the  scroll  of  immortal  fame  as 
one  of  the  contributors  to  the  monument  erected  to 
the  work  of  the  world.  And  it  cannot  be  doubted 
that  the  feeling  of  being  in  the  great  current  of  intel- 
lectual progress  is  the  highest  and  most  powerful  of 
all  incentives. 

56.  Thus  far  only  a  few  have  contributed  to  this 
stream,  but  the  percentage  is  probably  increasing,  and 
might  under  improved  social  conditions  be  greatly  in- 


Social  Immortality  47 

creased  ;  the  time  may  come  when  all  may  at  least 
aspire  to  the  honor  of  laying  some  small  offering  on 
the  altar  of  civilization.  As  the  ages  go  by  and  his- 
tory records  the  results  of  human  action,  it  becomes 
clear  to  larger  numbers  that  this  is  the  true  goal  of 
life,  and  larger  numbers  seek  it.  It  is  seen  that  only 
those  who  have  achieved  are  remembered,  that  the 
memory  of  such  grows  brighter  instead  of  dimmer 
with  time,  and  that  these  names  are  likely  to  be  kept 
fresh  in  the  minds  of  men  forever.  Achievement, 
therefore,  comes  to  constitute  a  form  of  immortality, 
and  has  an  exceedingly  attractive  side.  This  hope 
of  immortality  has  doubtless  formed  one  of  the  im- 
portant motives  in  all  ages,  and  in  the  future  there  is 
likely  to  be  a  still  stronger  tendency  in  this  direction. 
Whatever  other  forms  of  immortality  may  be  taught 
and  believed  in,  the  immortality  of  deeds  is  not  an 
article  of  faith,  but  a  demonstrated  fact.  Social  im- 
mortality is  the  immortality  of  achievement. 

REFERENCES  TO  WARD'S  OTHER  WORKS 

Dynamic  sociology.     Topics  in  Index,  volume  II:   Civilization; 

Future  existence  ;  Genius;  Immortality;  Invention. 
Psychic  factors.     Chapter  XVI.     Index:  Action;    Civilization; 

Immortality ;  Transformations. 
Pure  sociology.     Chapter  III. 


PART    I 

ORIGIN    AND    CLASSIFICATION    OF 
THE   SOCIAL    FORCES 

CHAPTER  VI 

CREATIVE   SYNTHESIS  » 

57.  Definition.  58.  Creation.  59.  Social  Ideals.  60.  The  poetic 
idea.  61.  Poesis.  62.  Genesis.  63.  Each  science  a  creative  synthesis. 
64.  Sociology  also.  65.  The  social  mind  a  synthesis.  66.  Syn- 
thetic creations  of  nature.  67.  Cosmic  creations.  68.  Products 
and  properties.  69.  Development  sympodial.  70.  Filiation  of 
the  sciences. 

Definition.  57-    There  is  a  fertile  truth  taught  most  clearly  by 

chemistry,  that  a  compound  of  two  substances  is 
something  more  than  the  sum  of  those  substances, 
and  is  in  a  proper  sense  a  third  and  different  sub- 
stance. That  its  properties  are  in  some  way  de- 
rived from  and  due  to  those  of  its  components  is  not 
denied,  but  the  relation  is  one  that  no  human  in- 
sight can  fully  comprehend.  This  chemical  synthesis 
has  long  been  believed  to  typify  a  large  number  of 
other  phenomena  in  all  departments  of  nature.  The 
moment  we  recognize  that  this  universal  chemism,  or 
intimate  blending  of  elements  with  complete  loss  of 
individuality  and  reappearance  in  new  forms,  as  dis- 

1  Wundt,  Logik  ;  see  note  in  Pure  sociology,  p.  79. 
48 


Creation  49 

tinguished  from  mere  mechanical  mixture  or  amalga- 
mation, is  creative,  a  flood  of  light  is  shed  on  the  entire 
process,  and  we  then  see  how  it  can  be  that  an 
infinite  variety  may  spring  from  relatively  few  ele- 
ments, or,  indeed,  from  an  assumed  unitary  sub- 
stratum of  the  universe. 

58.  The  popular  conception  of  creation  is  vague  Creation, 
and    confused.     The  old   view,  and   the  theological 

view  generally,  is  the  making  of  something  without 
materials  —  creation  out  of  nothing.  But  the  mind 
cannot  conceive  this,  and  in  the  face  of  mediaeval 
theologism  the  maxim  ex  niJiilo  nihil  Jit  has  always 
been  constantly  repeated  and  never  seriously  gain- 
said. The  only  rational  or  thinkable  idea  of  creation 
has  always  been  that  of  putting  previously  existing 
things  into  new  forms.  It  is  common  to  speak  of 
the  perfection  of  nature  and  to  hear  it  said  that  art 
imitates  nature.  These  are  both  false  conceptions. 
Nature  is  everywhere  imperfect,  and  art  always  aims 
to  improve  upon  nature.  The  mind  at  a  certain  stage 
of  development,  or  with  a  certain  amount  of  cultiva- 
tion and  training,  becomes  capable  of  forming  ideals 
of  perfection.  It  acquires  the  power  of  seeing  the 
defects  in  nature  and  of  supplying  them  in  imagina- 
tion. This  is  the  creative  imagination  which  pre- 
cedes all  art.  Creative  genius  is  the  next  step,  which 
is  the  capacity  for  supplying  these  defects  in  nature 
outside  of  the  imagination  in  some  concrete  objective 
way.  The  fine  arts  are  the  ways  in  which  it  does 
this. 

59.  We  have  seen  that  the  essential  condition  of  Social  ideals 
all  art  is  the  psychic  power  of  forming  ideals.     Their 


50  Creative  Synthesis 

execution  is  certain  to  follow  their  creation.  It  has 
often  been  remarked  that  persons  of  an  artistic  turn 
of  mind  often  become,  especially  in  later  life,  social 
reformers,  and  the  examples  of  Ruskin,  William 
Morris,  Howells,  Bellamy,  and  others  are  brought 
forward.  An  artist  or  art  critic,  like  Ruskin,  pos- 
sesses a  mind  specially  constituted  for  seeing  ideals  in 
nature.  Such  a  mind  instantly  detects  the  defects  in 
everything  observed  and  unconsciously  supplies  the 
missing  parts.  After  a  life  engaged  in  the  search  of 
ideals  in  the  world  of  material  things,  the  mind  often 
grows  more  serious  and  is  more  and  more  sympathetic. 
It  lays  more  stress  on  moral  defects,  and  in  the  most 
natural  way  conceivable1  it  proceeds  to  form  ethical 
and  social  ideals  by  the  same  process  that  it  has 
always  formed  aesthetic  ideals.  The  defectiveness  of 
the  social  state  in  permitting  so  much  suffering  is 
vividly  represented,  and  the  image  of  an  ideal  society 
in  which  this  would  be  prevented  spontaneously 
arises  in  the  mind.  Instinctively,  too,  the  born  artist, 
now  become  a  social  artist,  proceeds  to  construct 
such  an  ideal  society,  and  we  have  a  great  array  of 
Utopias,  and  Arcadias,  and  Altrurias,  in  which  im- 
agination drives  out  all  the  hard,  stern  realities  of  life, 
and  leaves  only  Edens  and  Paradises.  The  highest 
flights  of  artistic  ingenuity  and  creative  power  are 
attained,  and  by  looking  forward  and  backward  every 
shadow  that  is  cast  on  society  is  banished,  leaving 
only  sunlit  Elysian  fields. 

In  other  words  the  moral  and  social  reformer  ex- 
ercises the  same  faculty  as  the  poet,  the  sculptor,  and 
the  painter,  and  out  of  all  these  fields  of  art  there 


The  True  Poet  a  Prophet  51 

have  been  recruited,  in  this  perfectly  natural  and 
legitimate  way,  philanthropists,  humanitarians,  so- 
cialists, idealists,  religious,  economic,  and  social 
reformers. 

60.  The  train  of  thought  that  we  have  been  follow-  The  poetic 
ing  out  naturally  leads  us  to  consider  the  nature  of  J  ea* 
the  poetic  idea.  The  close  relation  or  practical  iden- 
tity of  poetry  and  prophecy  has  been  frequently  recog- 
nized, and  a  comprehension  of  the  truths  of  organic 
development  may  supply  the  materials  for  a  clear  con- 
ception of  so  different  a  phenomenon  as  the  unfolding 
of  a  poetic  or  prophetic  formula.  A  true  poet,  espe- 
cially one  whose  mind  is  stored  with  the  wisdom  of  the 
world,  is  in  very  truth  a  prophet,  and  is  the  subject 
of  veritable  inspirations,  which  he  occasionally  formu- 
lates as  it  were  unconsciously.  He  is  a  seer,  i.e.,  he 
sees  truth  that  others  do  not  see.  He  sees  it  only 
vaguely  and  utters  it  vaguely  in  forms  that  may  seem 
meaningless  to  his  contemporaries,  but  after  time  has 
wrought  its  changes  and  separated  out  the  elements 
that  were  in  his  mind  the  meaning  of  his  phrases 
emerges,  and  the  truth  vaguely  expressed  becomes 
definite  and  clear.  The  faculty  is,  like  imagination, 
a  purely  creative  one.  The  truth  expressed  was  never 
presented  to  the  senses,  but  only  its  elements,  which 
he  puts  together  and  constructs  a  new  truth  which 
time  will  ultimately  reveal. 

Now  the  objective  evolution  of  nature  is  parallel  to 
the  subjective  evolution  of  mind,  and  a  study  of  evolu- 
tion throws  light  on  mental  processes.  In  the  organic 
world  we  know  that  the  course  of  evolution  is  from 
the  homogeneous  to  the  heterogeneous  through  sys- 


52  Creative  Synthesis 

tematic  differentiation.  Similarly  in  the  mental  world 
a  poetic  idea  is  a  homogeneous,  undifferentiated  truth 
embodying  the  germs  of  many  distinct  truths  which, 
in  the  process  of  time  and  of  the  general  development 
of  ideas,  are  destined  to  take  clear  and  definite  forms. 
As  such,  its  vagueness  of  both  conception  and  expres- 
sion belongs  to  its  essential  character. 
Poesis.i  6l.   This  term  is  used  in  the  primary  sense  of  the 

Greek  word,  and  not  in  the  later  derivative  sense  of 
poesy  or  poetry.  In  this  sense  it  is  the  exact  oppo- 
site of  genesis.  Most  of  what  has  been  said  of  what 
is  called  fine  art  is  true  also  of  practical  art.  Which- 
ever should  stand  first,  and  they  were  doubtless  de- 
veloped pari  passu,  inventive  genius,  as  well  as  creative 
genius,  is  a  faculty  for  putting  together  raw  materials 
so  as  to  form  new  combinations.  The  product  is 
something  different  from  that  which  existed  before. 
It  is  a  creation.  Poesis  is  a  form  of  creative  synthe- 
sis. In  aesthetic  creation  the  thing  made  is  an  ideal 
freed  from  the  crudities  of  nature  and  beautiful  to 
contemplate.  In  inventive  creation  the  thing  made 
is  useful  and  serves  a  practical  purpose.  Here  the 
defects  of  nature  that  are  specially  attended  to  are 
the  obstructions  to  existence.  Nature  is  wasteful  and 
extravagant,  and  inventive  genius  works  for  economy. 
The  special  quality  to  which  inventive  genius  applies 
itself  is  utility.  Here  is  a  new  or  fourth  category  to 
be  added  to  the  conventional  three — truth,  beauty, 
goodness.  The  useful  is  not  the  same  as  the  good, 
as  used  in  this  formula,  but  it  is  even  more  important 
because  of  universal  application,  while  the  field  of 

1  wo[r]ais,  a  making. 


Scientific   Imagination  $3 

ethics  is  a  restricted  one  which  is  constantly  contract- 
ing. The  completed  formula  should  then  be  :  the 
true,  the  beautiful,  the  good,  and  the  useful,  in  which 
the  useful  is  not  put  last  because  least,  but  only  be- 
cause the  last  to  be  recognized. 

But  poesis  is  more  than  invention  and  more  than 
art.  It  is  both.  It  embodies  a  form  of  imagination 
as  well  as  a  form  of  creation.  Or  rather,  as  in 
aesthetic  art,  it  first  creates  an  ideal  and  then  creates 
an  object  which  materializes  that  ideal.  The  chief 
difference  is  in  the  nature  of  that  ideal.  Instead  of 
an  ideal  beauty  it  is  an  ideal  utility.  Not  enough  has 
yet  been  said  of  this  wonderful  faculty  of  imagination. 
The  popular  conception  of  it  is  far  too  narrow.  We 
sometimes  hear  of  scientific  imagination.  There  cer- 
tainly is  such.  It  is  that  faculty  which  coordinates 
the  disordered  impressions  received  through  the 
senses  and  out  of  them  constructs  a  truth.  For 
truth  is  also  an  ideal,  and  thought  is  a  form  of  crea- 
tive synthesis.  Experience  never  furnishes  truth. 
Nothing  but  a  creative  faculty  can  bring  truth  from 
fact. 

62.  Thus  far  only  the  psychological  aspect  of  crea-  Genesis, 
tive  synthesis  has  been  considered.  Its  cosmological 
aspect  is  still  more  important,  but  can  be  better  under- 
stood in  the  light  of  these  studies  in  mind.  The  truth 
now  to  be  enforced  is  that  nature  also  creates.  Some- 
thing is  made  to  exist  which  did  not  exist  before.  It 
is  made  of  preexisting  materials,  but  it  is  different 
from  any  of  those  materials.  What  we  miss  is  the 
ideal,  for  the  creations  of  nature,  being  genetic,  do 
not  proceed  from  ideals.       They  are  none  the  less 


54 


Creative  Synthesis 


Each  science 
a  creative 
synthesis. 


Sociology 
also. 


creations.  Wherever  there  is  combination,  as  distin- 
guished from  mixture,  something  new  results,  and 
there  is  creative  synthesis. 

63.  The  order  of  the  dependence  of  the  sciences 
may  now  be  seen  to  be  something  more  than  the  in- 
verse order  of  generality  and  complexity.  There  is  a 
still  deeper  truth,  viz.,  that  each  of  the  higher  sciences 
is  a  product  of  the  creative  synthesis  of  all  the  sciences 
below  it  in  the  scale.  Each  science  is  thus  distinct, 
though  not  independent.  It  is  a  new  and  different 
field  of  phenomena.  Chemistry  is  not  physics,  but  a 
science  apart.  Biology  is  not  chemistry,  nor  is  psy- 
chology, as  Comte  maintained,  biology.  Sociology  is 
not  psychology,  still  less  biology.  It  is  a  science,  new 
in  the  sense  that  it  is  newly  created  and  newly  dis- 
covered. It  is  the  product  of  the  recompounding  of 
the  simpler  sciences. 

64.  This  principle  also  explains  the  relation  of 
sociology  to  the  special  social  sciences.  It  is  not 
quite  enough  to  say  that  it  is  a  synthesis  of  them 
all.  It  is  the  new  compound  which  their  synthesis 
creates.  It  is  not  any  of  them,  and  it  is  not  all  of  them. 
It  is  that  science  which  they  spontaneously  generate. 
The  special  social  sciences  are  the  units  of  aggrega- 
tion that  organically  combine  to  create  sociology,  but 
they  lose  their  individuality  as  completely  as  do 
chemical  units,  and  the  resultant  product  is  wholly 
unlike  any  of  them  and  is  of  a  higher  order.  All 
this  is  true  of  any  of  the  complex  sciences,  but  sociol- 
ogy, standing  at  the  head  of  the  entire  series,  is  en- 
riched by  all  the  truths  of  nature  and  embraces  all 
truth.     It  is  the  scientia  scientiarum. 


The  Social   Mind  55 


65.  Still  another  vexed  question  finds  its  solution  The  social 
here,  to  wit,  the  question  of  the  social  consciousness  min?  a 

71  synthesis. 

or  collective  mind.  It  receives  the  same  answer  as 
the  rest.  The  social  mind  is  a  product  of  spontaneous 
creative  synthesis  of  all  individual  minds.  In  this 
sense  it  is  real.  It  differs  widely  from  any  individual 
mind,  and  sometimes  seems  to  be  embryonic,  i.e.,  to 
take  the  form  of  the  more  primitive  mind  of  man  as 
we  observe  it  in  uncivilized  races.  This  is  due  to  the 
fact  that  in  manifestations  of  the  social  mind  the  arti- 
ficial restraints  of  civilized  life  are  removed.  The 
period  of  the  evolution  of  civility  is  very  short  com- 
pared with  the  precivilized  period,  and  the  coat  of 
civility  is  thin.  The  process  of  becoming  civilized 
has  been  one  of  restraint.  The  civilized  man  puts  his 
best  foot  forward.  Civilized  life  helps  to  do  this. 
Living  in  houses,  every  one  concealed  from  his  fel- 
lows, favors  the  process.  Now  in  the  crowd,  the 
restraints  of  civilized  life  are  removed.  The  thin 
veneering  that  covers  men's  acts  in  society  peels  off, 
and  the  true  character  of  the  civilized  man  as  an  en- 
lightened savage  comes  to  light.  The  veneering  con- 
sists of  about  half  culture  and  half  hypocrisy.  The 
social  mind  partly  lays  off  both  these  garbs  and  repre- 
sents men  more  nearly  as  they  are.  The  acts  which 
would  be  objectionable  in  private  life  are  shifted  to 
the  broad  shoulders  of  all  the  rest,  and  no  individual 
holds  himself  responsible  for  them.1 

66.  Nature  is  creative  as  well  as  man,  and  we  may  Synthetic 
now  briefly  review  a  few  of  the  most  important  of  ^ture "S  °f 

1  Le  Bon,  The  crowd;  Psychology  of  peoples ;  Ross,  Social  control, 
pp.  45,  46. 


56  Creative  Synthesis 

these  synthetic  creations.  The  fact  to  be  insisted 
upon  is  that  evolution  is  through  and  through  crea- 
tive. As  change  after  change  goes  on  from  the 
nebular  chaos  toward  universal  cosmos,  from  cosmos 
to  bios,  and  from  bios  to  logos,  long  stretches  inter- 
vene between  these  several  great  stadia,  during  which 
the  creative  products  have  not  as  yet  assumed  such 
definite  forms  as  to  constitute  turning-points  or  crises 
in  the  march  of  the  world's  progress.  But  ever  and 
anon  such  a  stage  is  reached,  and  a  new  creative 
product  is  brought  forth,  so  unlike  anything  that  has 
hitherto  existed,  and  so  cardinal  in  its  nature  as  to 
give,  as  it  were,  a  new  point  of  departure  to  all  future 
evolution.  At  every  such  stage  the  universe  seems 
to  change  front  and  thenceforward  to  march  in  a  new 
direction.  There  have  been  many  such  cosmical 
crises,  after  each  of  which  there  has  been  a  virtually 
new  universe. 

Cosmic  67.    Every   world    system    is    a   cosmic    creation. 

The  material  history  of  our  planet  has  doubtless 
been  repeated  thousands  of  times  in  all  the  countless 
star  systems  within  the  limits  of  our  universe,  but  in 
the  course  of  this  history  there  have  been  specially 
evolved  three  of  the  epoch-making  properties  that  we 
are  considering,  viz.,  life,  feeling,  and  thought.  But 
these  properties  belong  to  certain  material  products 
that  have  first  been  evolved,  each  of  which  was  a  new 
creation.  They  have  appeared  at  long  intervals,  and 
each  successive  product,  while  possessing  all  the 
properties  of  the  one  that  immediately  preceded  it, 
possesses  the  one  additional  property  by  which  it  is 
specially  distinguished.     Each  product  is  at  once  the 


creations. 


Creations  of  Nature 


57 


effect  of  antecedent  causes  and  the  cause  of  further 
effects,  and  the  kinds  of  causes  to  which  these  latter 
belong  may  also  be  classified.  Placing  these  products 
in  a  column  in  the  ascending  order  of  their  develop- 
ment, and  the  properties  they  possess,  the  quality  of 
their  activities,  the  phenomena  they  manifest,  and 
the  nature  of  the  causes  through  which  they  work, 
in  parallel  columns,  we  shall  have  the  following 
table :  — 

Synthetic  Creations  of  Nature 


Products 


Differential  Attributes 


Properties  Activities      Phenomena      Causes 


Society 

Man 

Animals 

Plants 

Protoplasm 

Organic  Compounds 

Inorganic  Compounds 

Chemical  Elements 

Universal  Ether 


Achievement  1 

Intellect 

Feeling 

Life 

Motility  J 

r„     •  1 

Lhemism         ', 

J 
Vibration 


Molar 


Social 
Psychic  j 


Molec- 
ular 

Radiant  J 


Vital 


Physical 


Telic 
Conative 


Efficient 


68.  Each  of  these  steps  in  evolution,  or  synthetic  Products  and 
creations  of  nature,  may  be  regarded  as  something  Pr°Perties- 
new,  i.e.,  as  something  that  had  no  existence  before. 
Although  their  primary  elements  always  existed,  the 
combinations  resulting  in  the  several  products  con- 
stitute so  many  distinct  things.  Each  new  plane  of 
existence  thus  attained  is  a  fresh  base  of  operations. 
The  successive  products  and  properties  are  so  many 
discrete  degrees  in  the  history  of  the  universe.     Pro- 


58  Creative  Synthesis 

toplasm  is  unlike  any  other  product  of  chemism,  and 
is,  as  Huxley  says,  the  physical  basis  of  life.  Out  of 
it  sprang  the  plant  world  and  the  animal  world.  The 
chief  differential  attribute  of  the  animal,  however,  is 
feeling  —  the  property  of  self-awareness.  The  high- 
est animals,  it  is  true,  possess  the  germs  of  intelligence, 
but  for  convenience  of  tabular  representation,  and  for 
all  practical  purposes,  intellect  may  be  made  to  begin 
with  man.  The  will  belongs  to  animals  and  is  the 
kind  of  force  or  causation  that  they  employ.  At 
bottom  it  is  a  form  of  the  efficient  cause,  but  it  is 
deserving  of  a  special  designation.  We  will  call 
such  causes  conative.  The  phenomena  presented  by 
protoplasm  and  by  plants  are  vital.  The  differential 
(additional)  phenomena  presented  by  animals,  includ- 
ing man,  are  psychic.  But  intellect  is  essentially  a 
final  cause.  Man,  with  all  the  attributes  of  all  the 
lower  products  and  intellect  added,  generates  another 
and  highest  product,  society.  That  which  chiefly  dis- 
tinguishes it  from  all  other  cosmic  creations  is  its 
capacity  for  achievement.  Social  phenomena  thus 
inaugurate  another,  and  thus  far  the  last,  new  de- 
parture in  the  history  of  evolution,  viz.,  the  movement 
toward  civilization. 
Development  69.  It  will  not  have  escaped  attention  that  at  every 
sympodiai.  one  Qf  ^Q  cuiminatmg  points  a  new  direction  is  given 
to  the  whole  scheme  by  the  appearance  of  a  new  prod- 
uct with  its  added  attributes.  The  march  of  cosmic, 
as  of  organic,  evolution  is  thus  zigzag.  It  is  perfectly 
homologous  to  the  stem  of  a  sympodiai  plant,  which 
consists  of  a  series  of  branches  each  of  which  has 
appropriated  practically  all  the  energy  of  the  plant. 


the  sciences- 


Filiation   of  the   Sciences  59 

For  the  differential  attribute  which  each  cosmic  prod- 
uct possesses  in  addition  to  those  of  all  before  it  imme- 
diately becomes  paramount,  and  the  antecedent  ones 
sink  into  relative  insignificance.  Each  product  with 
its  concomitant  attributes  is  thus  a  true  sympode, 
and  cosmic  evolution  is  also  sympodial. 

70.  Finally  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  series  is  paral-  Filiation  of 
lei  to  that  of  the  sciences  of  the  "  hierarchy."  We 
saw  that  the  sciences  could  be  arranged  in  a  natural 
succession,  and  that  when  so  arranged  they  grow  out 
of  one  another  in  such  a  manner  that  the  term  filia- 
tion could  be  properly  applied  to  it.  But  this  is  be- 
cause there  is  a  corresponding  relation  among  the 
phenomena  themselves.  This  corresponding  relation 
is  the  genetic  succession  of  cosmic  products  with  their 
differential  attributes  that  we  have  been  considering. 
The  higher  are  generated  by  the  lower  through  crea- 
tive synthesis,  and  are  thus  affiliated  upon  them.  The 
filiation  of  the  sciences  is  the  simple  correlate  of  the 
filiation  of  the  products  and  attributes  of  evolution. 

REFERENCES  TO  WARD'S   OTHER  WORKS 

Dynamic    sociology.      Chapters    III— VII     inclusive,    volume    I. 

Topics   in  Index,  volume   II:    Evolution;    Force;    Genesis; 

Ideas ;  Life. 
Psychic  factors.     Psychic  ;  Psychology. 
Outlines  of  sociology .     Chapters  X  and  XI. 
Pure  sociology.     Chapter  V,  pp.  79-96. 
Article.     Natural  storage  of  energy. 


CHAPTER   VII 

THE   DYNAMIC  AGENT 

I.  The  Feelings.  —  71.  Two  prime  agents  in  society.  72.  Cosmic  forces. 
73.  Social  force.  74.  Psychic  forces.  75.  Psychological  basis  of 
sociology.  76.  The  feelings  subjective.  77.  Appetition.  78.  De- 
sire. 79.  Philosophy  of  desire.  80.  Original  desires.  81.  Deriva- 
tive desires.     82.  Biological  origin  of  the  subjective  faculties. 

II.  The  Conative  Faculty.  —  83.  Energy  of  nature.  84.  Mind  force. 
85.  Desire  a  force.     86.  The  emotions  as  forces. 

III.  The  Soul.  —  87.  Meaning  of  the  term.     88.  Its  function. 

IV.  The  Will.  —  89.  Meaning  of  the  term.  go.  Optimism  and  pessi- 
mism.    91.  Meliorism. 


I.    The  Feelings 

71.  By  glancing  again  at  the  table  of  synthetic  crea- 
tions of  nature  it  may  be  observed  that  the  mode  of 
producing  effects,  called  the  cause  in  the  last  col- 
umn of  the  table,  is  in  feeling  conative,  and  in  intel- 
lect telic.  This  distinction  is  fundamental,  and  upon 
it  depends  the  primary  subdivision  of  sociology.  A 
conative  cause  is  a  form  of  the  efficient  cause,  but 
it  is  psychic  instead  of  physical ;  this  distinction  is 
fundamental,  and  calls  for  a  wholly  different  method 
of  treatment.  The  telic  or  final  cause  is  not  a  force, 
as  is  every  form  of  efficient  cause,  but  it  utilizes  effi- 
cient causes  and  thus  produces  effects.  It  will  be 
both  convenient  and  correct  to  regard  both  the  cona- 

60 


The  Forces  of  Nature  61 

tive  and  the  telic  cause  as  agencies  in  sociology,  or, 
still  more  definitely,  as  the  two  prime  agents  in  society. 
The  conative  cause,  being  a  true  force,  is  the  dynamic 
agent,  the  word  dynamic  being  here  used  in  its  primary 
sense  denoting  force.  The  final  cause  is  the  directive 
agent  of  society,  the  nature  of  which  will  be  set  forth 
in  Part  IV. 

72.  The  synthetic  creations  of  nature  have  their  Cosmic 
characteristic  properties  or  modes  of  acting,  and  it  is    orces" 
through  these  that  they  produce  effects.     Taken  to- 
gether these  active  properties  constitute  the  forces  of 
nature.    These  separate  and  apparently  different  forces 

are,  however,  only  so  many  aspects  of  the  one  univer- 
sal force,  but  it  is  convenient  to  treat  them  as  distinct. 
Each  of  these  products,  moreover,  may  be  said  to 
form  the  basis  or  subject-matter  of  a  science,  and  these 
sciences  also  are  distinct.  They  are  creations,  and 
represent  successively  new  aspects  of  cosmic  history. 
Every  true  science  is  a  domain  of  forces,  and  the 
nature  of  the  forces  differs  with  the  science.  As 
man  possesses  feeling  in  common  with  the  lower  ani- 
mals, it  is  important  to  note  that  feeling  constitutes 
the  dynamic  agent,  and  is  therefore  the  highest  attri- 
bute that  we  have  to  consider  so  long  as  we  are  deal- 
ing with  the  dynamic  agent. 

73.  Now  feeling  is  a  true  cosmic  force,  and  consti-  Social  force, 
tutes  the  propelling   agent  in  animals   and  in  man. 

In  the  associated  state  of  man  it  is  the  social  force, 
and  with  it  the  sociologist  must  deal.  Under  this 
agency  social  phenomena  take  place  according  to 
uniform  laws  which  may  be  studied  in  the  same 
way  that  the  laws  of  any  other  domain  of  phenom- 


forces. 


62  The   Dynamic  Agent 

ena  are  studied.  Sociology  is  thus  a  true  science, 
answering  to  the  definition  of  a  science,  viz.,  a  field 
of  phenomena  produced  by  true  natural  forces  and 
conforming  to  uniform  laws.  But  feeling  as  the 
dynamic  agent  manifests  itself  in  a  variety  of  ways, 
and  just  as  it  is  convenient  and  practically  correct 
to  speak  of  a  plurality  of  natural  forces,  so  it  is  con- 
venient and  practically  correct  to  speak  of  a  plurality 
of  social  forces. 
Psychic  74.    The  conservation  of  energy  and  correlation  of 

forces  are  as  applicable  to  psychic  and  social  forces 
as  to  physical  forces.  This  truth  has  been  perceived 
by  sociologists,  but  failure  to  understand  the  principle 
of  creative  synthesis  has  led  to  grave  misconceptions. 
Some  of  them,  for  example,  talk  as  though  these  higher 
forces  were  eternal  and  could  never  be  added  to  or  sub- 
tracted from,  but  were  unchangeable  in  quantity.  The 
truth  is  that  they  are  comparatively  recent  develop- 
ments. There  can  be  no  psychic  force  where  there  is 
no  mind,  no  vital  force  where  there  is  no  life.  There 
can  be  no  mind  where  there  are  no  brain  or  nerve 
ganglia,  no  life  where  there  is  no  animal,  plant,  or 
protoplasm.  The  products  must  first  be  created  in 
which  the  forces  inhere,  but  of  course  the  properties 
appear  pari  passu  with  the  products,  and  both  con- 
form to  the  process  of  genesis,  or  becoming,  through 
infinitesimal  increments.  Before  life  and  mind  can 
exist  they  must  first  be  constructed.  To  say  that 
they  exist  in  some  diffused  state  in  the  universe  is  as 
false  as  to  say  that  houses  exist  in  a  bank  of  clay  out  of 
which  bricks  may  be  made.  Vital  and  psychic  forces 
are  new  creations,  and  they  can  only  be  brought  into 


Social   Forces  are   Psychic  63 

existence  through  the  delicate  instrumentalities  of 
organic  development.  Physiological  dynamos  must 
be  established  at  convenient  points,  and  from  these 
ganglionic  power-houses  the  currents  of  life  and 
sensibility  must  be  sent  round  through  the  animal 
tissues.  Motor  and  sensor  apparatus  must  be  per- 
fectly adjusted.  Finally  a  great  central  storage 
battery,  the  brain,  must  be  devised  and  put  in  charge 
of  the  whole  system.  All  this  must  be  accomplished 
before  any  great  development  of  vital  and  psychic 
force  can  take  place.  From  this  point  on  greater 
and  greater  quantities  of  mind  power  can  be  stored 
for  use,  until  the  phenomena  of  intelligence  shall  at 
length  dimly  appear  and  thenceforward  increase,  until 
mind  reaches  the  stage  at  which  it  can  contemplate 
its  own  history  and  development. 

75.  The  social  forces  are  therefore  psychic,  and  Psychoiogi- 
hence  sociology  must  have  a  psychologic  basis.  It  calb^slsof 
cannot  be  based  directly  upon  biology,  which  only 
manifests  the  phenomena  of  the  vital  forces.  It  may 
be  said  that  animals  possess  feeling  although  coming 
within  the  domain  of  biology.  This  is  true,  and 
psychology  begins  with  the  animal.  It  is  psychology 
that  rests  on  biology.  Here  there  is  direct  filiation, 
and  mind  is  of  biologic  origin.  The  popular  con- 
ception of  "mind"  is  wholly  inadequate  for  the 
sociologist.  The  word  mind  certainly  must  include 
the  feelings,  the  emotions,  the  passions,  the  will. 
This  is  of  course  recognized  by  scientific  psycholo- 
gists, who  usually  divide  psychology  into  two  depart- 
ments, the  one  consisting  of  the  senses  and  the 
intellect,  and  the  other  of  the  emotions  and  the  will. 


64 


The   Dynamic  Agent 


The  feelings 
subjective. 


Appetition. 


A  clear  distinction  between  these  two  departments  of 
mind  is  fundamental  to  the  sociologist.  He  must 
discover  the  forces  that  govern  social  phenomena, 
and  the  thinking  faculty  is  not  a  force.  Feeling  is 
a  true  force,  and  its  various  manifestations  constitute 
the  social  forces. 

76.  The  feelings  had,  moreover,  a  much  earlier 
origin  than  the  intellect,  so  that  during  a  prolonged 
period  they  constituted  the  only  psychic  manifesta- 
tions, and  do  so  still  throughout  practically  the  entire 
animal  world.  This  great  primordial  half  of  mind  is 
sometimes  appropriately  said  to  constitute  the  affective 
side  of  mind,  since  it  embraces  all  the  affections  in  the 
broadest  sense  of  that  word.  It  is  also,  with  equal 
propriety,  called  the  subjective  department  of  mind, 
the  phenomena  being  wholly  subjective  or  relating  to 
the  organism,  and  never  objective  or  relating  to  the 
external  world. 

77.  It  is  essential  to  our  present  purpose  to  point 
out  that  one  of  the  inherent  qualities  of  feeling  is 
that  of  seeking  an  end.  That  is  to  say,  it  is  appetitive, 
and  this  is  popularly  recognized  by  the  word  appetite. 
All  appetites  belong  to  the  subjective  department 
of  mind.  A  general  term  for  this  quality  is  appeti- 
tion. Appetition  is  a  motive  and  impels  to  action. 
It  is  this  that  constitutes  it  a  force.  It  is  an  efficient 
cause,  not  a  final  cause.  In  a  word,  it  is  conative. 
It  is  the  psychic  motive  to  action.  Action  is  certain 
to  follow  the  motive  unless  prevented  by  some  physi- 
cal obstacle  or  by  other  motives  that  antagonize  it  and 
produce  a  state  of  psychic  equilibrium.  It  is  further 
true  that  no    psychically  endowed  being  can  move 


Desires  a  Natural  Force  65 

without  a  motive.  Such  a  thing  would  be  an  effect 
without  a  cause. 

78.  In   common  parlance,  appetition,   or    psychic  Desire, 
motive,  is  simply  desire,  and  desire  of  whatever  kind 

is  a  true  natural  force.  The  collective  desires  of 
associated  men  are  the  social  forces.  This  use  of  the 
word  desire  is,  however,  very  broad.  It  embraces 
all  wants,  volitions,  and  aspirations.  From  this  point 
of  view  feeling  is  identical  with  desire.  Primarily  all 
feeling  is  intensive.  It  not  only  consists  in  an  aware- 
ness of  self,  but  in  an  awareness  of  some  need.  Wast- 
ing tissues  constantly  need  to  be  renewed,  and  feeling 
consists  in  a  sense  of  this  need.  With  increased  com- 
plexity of  structure  other  needs  arise,  until  in  man 
and  society  the  wants  are  unlimited  in  number  and 
variety.  Man's  whole  affective  nature  is  composed 
of  them.  All  emotions  and  all  passions  consist,  on 
final  analysis,  of  appetitions.  All  cravings,  yearnings, 
and  longings,  all  hopes,  anticipations,  aspirations, 
and  ambitions  are  such.  But  they  may  be  negative, 
or  forces  of  repulsion  instead  of  attraction.  Such  are 
fear,  hate,  envy,  jealousy.  When  the  desire  is  be- 
yond all  hope  of  satisfaction,  they  take  the  form  of 
grief,  sorrow,  disappointment,  and  despair.  Man  is 
thus  a  theater  of  desires,  positive,  negative,  or  sup- 
pressed, all  of  which  cause  some  form  of  action,  and 
which  together  constitute  the  dynamic  agent. 

79.  It  is  therefore  well  worth  our  while  to  con-  philosophy 
sider  for  a  moment  the  philosophy  of  desire.     Desire  ofdesire- 
is  a  sensation,  and  it  must  be  regarded  as  an  unpleas- 
ant   sensation.       The    activity    it    causes  is    always 
expended   in  removing  the  restraint.     Until  this    is 


66  The   Dynamic  Agent 

accomplished  the  sensation  must  be  a  disagreeable 
one.  If  it  were  agreeable,  the  effort  would  be  in  the 
direction  of  continuing  it,  not  of  terminating  it. 
Desire  is  therefore  in  the  nature  of  pain.  But  suppos- 
ing that  the  desire  is  fresh  and  healthy,  its  satisfaction 
is  a  pleasure,  and  when  we  consider  the  great  number 
and  variety  of  desires  to  which  man  is  subject  and 
the  fact  that  most  of  them  are  actually  satisfied  sooner 
or  later,  we  may  form  some  idea  of  the  volume  of 
pleasure  that  is  thus  yielded.  It  constitutes  the  great 
bulk  of  all  that  makes  existence  tolerable.  It  is 
possible  to  make  a  rough  calculation  of  the  relative 
amount  of  satisfied  and  unsatisfied  desire.  If  the 
latter  prevail  over  the  former,  we  have  a  social  state 
which  Dr.  Simon  N.  Patten  has  happily  characterized 
as  a  "  pain  economy,"  and  if  the  reverse  is  the  case, 
we  have  his  "  pleasure  economy."  1  All  social  prog- 
ress, in  the  proper  sense  of  the  phrase,  is  a  move- 
ment from  a  pain  economy  toward  a  pleasure 
economy,  or  at  least  a  movement  in  the  direction  of 
the  satisfaction  of  a  greater  and  greater  proportion 
of  the  desires  of  men. 

80.  Of  the  stronger,  conscious,  and  often  violent 
desires  those  of  hunger  and  love  of  course  hold  the 
first  place.  These  are  original,  i.e.,  not  in  any  sense 
derivative,  and  belong  to  all  creatures.  They  are 
both  perfectly  typical  desires,  and  all  that  has  been 
said  of  desire  in  general  applies  to  them.  They  are 
the  chief  mainsprings  to  action,  and  it  may  almost 
be  said  that  all  other  desires  are  directly  or  remotely 
derived  from  them.     This  statement,  however,  would 

1  The  theory  of  social  forces,  pp.  59,  60,  75. 


Original  and   Derivative   Desires  67 

require  qualification.  But  these  forces  have  not 
diminished  with  higher  organization  and  the  appear- 
ance of  other  desires.  They  are  quite  as  strong  in 
man  as  in  animals,  and  in  the  higher  types  of  men 
as  in  the  lower  types.  In  society  they  become  the 
principal  social  forces  and  the  foundations  of  so- 
ciology. They  impel  mankind  to  the  performance 
of  the  great  bulk  of  all  the  operations  of  society. 
They  are  strong  and  reliable  forces  and  capable  of 
working  out  spontaneously  most  of  the  problems  that 
physical  life  presents. 

81.  Political  economists  early  seized  upon  this  Derivative 
truth,  and  it  may  be  regarded  as  the  basis  of  all  eco-  desires- 
nomics.  The  failure  of  mathematical  economics  to 
meet  the  modern  problems  of  life  and  business  was 
not  due  to  any  flaw  in  positing  the  reliability  of 
human  impulses.  It  correctly  grasped  the  funda- 
mental forces  of  society,  but  it  grounded  on  the 
failure  to  recognize  the  importance  of  the  higher 
forces.  These,  as  we  shall  see,  were  a  factor  before 
the  era  of  machinery,  and  have  steadily  advanced 
in  importance  with  civilization,  until  they  have  become 
second  only  to  the  primary  motives  that  we  are  con- 
sidering. With  the  development  of  mankind  the 
derivative  forces  come  more  and  more  into  the  fore- 
ground until  a  point  is  at  length  reached  at  which 
they  seem  at  least  to  be  more  potent  agencies  than 
the  original  forces.  These  are  also  true  natural  forces, 
and  simply  swell  the  volume  of  social  energy.  So- 
ciology takes  account  of  them  all,  and  is  the  science 
which  treats  of  what  the  social  forces  have  done  and 
are  doing,  and  of  how  they  accomplish  results. 


68 


The  Dynamic  Agent 


82.  The  supreme  importance  to  sociology  of  the 
dynamic  agent  justified  in  a  previous  work1  a  lengthy 
explanation  of  the  biologic  origin  of  the  subjective 
faculties.  The  substance  of  this  argument  may  here 
be  briefly  indicated.  The  object  of  nature  seems  to  be 
to  convert  as  large  an  amount  as  possible  of  inorganic 
into  organic  and  organized  matter.  As  an  aid  to  this 
object  there  developed  in  certain  of  its  creations  an 
interest,  an  intensive  feeling,  a  capacity  for  pain  and 
pleasure.  This  agency,  intended  as  an  aid  to  func- 
tion, became  an  end  in  itself,  in  that  sentient  beings 
sought  pleasure  for  its  own  sake  irrespective  of  func- 
tion, and  this  threatened  the  success  of  the  organic 
experiment  as  a  whole.  Then  followed  the  elimina- 
tion of  the  wayward,  which  Darwin  called  natural 
selection,  and  Spencer,  the  survival  of  the  fittest.  To 
check  this  growing  destructive  tendency  two  devices 
were  developed ;  instinct  for  the  animal  world  in 
general,  and  reason  for  man  alone.  Reason  took 
the  form  of  counteracting  the  pursuit  of  dangerous 
pleasures  by  the  fear  of  greater  pains.  It  also  elab- 
orated a  system  of  social  control  provided  with  coer- 
cive machinery  so  as  to  hold  the  refractory  in  check. 
This  social  instinct,  or  group  sentiment  of  safety, 
developed  into  religion,  law,  and  government.  Fur- 
ther intellectual  development,  and  wider  knowledge 
and  wisdom,  may  ultimately  enable  men  to  dispense 
with  all  social  restraints  to  unsafe  conduct,  but  the 
world  is  still  far  from  this  ideal.  « 

1  Pure  sociology,  chapter  VII. 


The   Universal  Energy  69 


II.    The  Conative  Faculty 

83.  Nature  is  not  only  a  becoming,  it  is  a  striving.   Energy  of 
The  universal  energy   never  ceases   to   act,  and    its  nature- 
ceaseless  activity  constantly  creates.     The  quantity 

of  matter,  mass,  and  motion  in  the  universe  is 
unchangeable  ;  everything  else  changes  —  position, 
direction,  velocity,  path,  combination,  form.  To  say 
with  Schopenhauer  that  matter  is  causality  involves 
an  ellipsis.  It  is  not  matter  but  collision  that  consti- 
tutes the  only  cause.  This  eternal  pelting  of  atoms, 
this  driving  of  the  elements,  this  pressure  at  every 
point,  this  struggle  of  all  created  things,  this  uni- 
versal nisus  of  nature,  pushing  into  existence  all 
material  forms  and  storing  itself  up  in  them  as  prop- 
erties, as  life,  as  feeling,  as  thought,  this  is  the  hylo- 
zoism  of  the  philosophers,  the  self-activity  of  Hegel, 
the  will  of  Schopenhauer,  the  atom-soul  of  Haeckel; 
it  is  the  soul  of  the  universe,  the  spirit  of  nature,  the 
"  First  Cause"  of  both  religion  and  science  —  it  is 
God. 

84.  On  page  68  we  saw   that  feeling,  at  first  so  Mind  force, 
completely  at  the  service  of  function,  soon  became 

the  cud  of  the  creature  and  threatened  to  defeat  the 
very  purpose  for  which  it  was  created,  rendering 
necessary  the  further  creation  of  powerful  checks  to 
this  tendency.  So  long  as  the  functional  ends  of  life 
were  not  put  in  jeopardy  these  new  activities  of  the 
mind  were  harmless,  and,  indeed,  since  they  repre- 
sented a  great  increase  of  life  power,  they  were  useful 
in  accelerating  the  consummation  of  nature's  ends. 


70  The   Dynamic  Agent 

The  addition  of  mind  force  greatly  increased  the 
quantity  of  force  that  had  been  withdrawn  from  the 
physical  world  and  converted  into  organic  energy. 
The  conative  form  of  causation  now  at  work  was  far 
more  potent  than  the  purely  mechanical  form  that 
had  hitherto  prevailed. 

85.  It  can  now  be  better  seen  how  desire  came  to 
constitute  the  real  psychic  force.  Desire  presup- 
poses memory,  which  must  therefore  be  one  of  the 
earliest  aspects  of  mind.  In  fact,  memory  is  nothing 
but  the  persistent  representation  of  feeling,  continued 
sense  vibrations  after  the  stimulus  is  withdrawn,  and 
involves  no  mystery.  In  case  of  an  agreeable  sensa- 
tion, as  the  pleasure  fades  on  the  withdrawal  of  the 
stimulus,  a  desire  arises  to  renew  or  continue  the 
pleasure,  and  this  is  all  that  constitutes  desire.  But 
though  simple  in  its  explanation,  it  is  powerful  and 
far-reaching  in  its  effects.  But  for  this  interruption 
in  the  agreeable  states  with  faint  intermediate  mne- 
monic vibrations,  there  would  be  no  activity  directed 
to  the  renewal  or  repetition  of  those  intenser  states. 
The  withdrawal  of  the  stimulus  is  in  the  nature  of  a 
deprivation  or  want,  and  this  is  the  true  character  of 
all  desire. 

86.  As  the  activities  thus  produced  normally  led 
to  function  and  secured  the  preservation,  perpetua- 
tion, and  increase  of  life,  it  was  to  the  interest  of 
these  ends  that  this  conative  power  be  increased  to 
the  utmost,  and  consequently  we  find  that  in  the 
higher  organisms  special  centers  exist  in  connection 
with  the  leading  functions  for  the  accumulation  of 
this  energy,  and  the  performance  of  such  functions 


The  Soul 


7i 


is  attended  with  intense  satisfaction,  while  inability 
to  perform  them  creates  an  almost  irresistible  desire. 
This  is  of  course  best  exemplified  in  the  two  great 
primordial  functions,  nutrition  and  reproduction,  with 
the  corresponding  physical  imperatives,  hunger  and 
love,  which  are  typical  desires.  But  in  the  higher 
mammals,  and  especially  in  man,  many  other  centers 
have  been  developed  —  storage  batteries  of  psychic 
energy  —  which,  though  in  the  main  more  or  less 
connected  with  the  primary  ones,  are  practically  dis- 
tinct. Hence  arise  emotions,  painful  as  well  as 
pleasurable,  and  these  are  chiefly  in  the  nature  of 
desires.  They  all  represent  the  deprivation  of  some- 
thing once  enjoyed.  If  there  is  the  least  chance  of 
regaining  the  lost  object,  there  is  scarcely  any  limit 
to  the  amount  of  exertion  that  will  be  put  forth  for 
the  attainment  of  that  end.  This  renders  them  the 
most  powerful  forces  in  society,  and  next  to  the 
efforts  put  forth  for  the  supply  of  the  primary  wants 
above  mentioned,  the  emotions  constitute  the  chief 
social  stimuli  or  social  forces. 

III.    The  Soul1 

87.  What  is  the  soul  ?  Our  own  English  word  Meaning  c 
soul  is  so  far  given  over  to  religious  usage,  under  the  the  term" 
influence  of  the  doctrine  of  immortality,  that  it  is 
difficult  to  separate  it  from  that  world  view  and  look 
upon  it  as  a  real  scientific  fact.  The  German  word 
Seele  seems  not  to  be  so  trammelled,  and  expresses 
the  phenomenon  of  animation  or  conscious  spontane- 
ous activity.     This  is  the  central  idea  in  the  concep- 

1  G.  Stanley  Hall,  Adolescence,  volume  II,  chapter  X. 


72  The   Dynamic  Agent 

tion  of  the  soul,  and  it  was  possessed  by  the  first  and 
lowest  animate  beings.  The  moment  an  interest  to 
mbve  in  a  definite  way  for  a  definite  purpose  was 
planted  in  them  the  soul  was  born,  and  their  con- 
tinued conscious  activities  under  the  spur  of  that 
interest  is  that  which  has  produced  the  varied  forms 
of  animal  life. 

88.  The  soul  is  well  described  in  Genesis  as  "  the 
Spirit  of  God "  that  "  moved  upon  the  face  of  the 
waters,"  for  the  sea  must  have  been  the  cradle  of 
life  in  which  consciousness  first  dawned.  From  the 
standpoint  of  hylozoism  this  spirit  may  be  said  to 
"  sleep  in  the  stone,  dream  in  the  animal,  and  awake 
in  man,"  for  its  elements  lay  dormant  in  the  inorganic 
world,  and  it  was  only  in  man,  and  in  a  higher  type 
of  man,  that  self-consciousness  arose,  viz.,  a  con- 
sciousness of  consciousness.  But  as  more  and  more 
inorganic  matter  was  converted  into  living  forms, 
larger  and  larger  quantities  of  physical  and  vital 
energy  were  converted  into  psychic  energy,  and  the 
soul  grew  and  acquired  greater  power.  It  became  a 
transforming  agency  and  a  potent  influence  in  the 
transmutation  of  species  and  the  development  of 
higher  and  more  multiform  types  of  life.  It  was  the 
chief  cause  of  variation  and  hence  the  prime  factor 
in  organic  evolution.  On  the  human  plane  the  soul 
has  become  enriched  by  the  introduction  of  all  the 
derivative  affections,  the  passions  and  emotions  of 
which  we  have  spoken,  until  it  has  carried  its  trans- 
forming influence  beyond  the  individual  organism  into 
the  social  organism  and  into  the  environment,  and 
has  become  the  agent  of  social  evolution. 


Desire  and  the  Will  73 


IV.   The   Will1 
89.    When  we  consider  all  this  volume  of  feeling  Meaning  of 


as  essentially  a  striving,  we  find  in  it  all  the  elements 
of  the  will.  It  is  the  conative  faculty,  and  in  this 
lies  its  immense  importance  to  sociology.  Feeling, 
as  we  have  seen,  starts  with  interest,  and  immediately 
becomes  a  desire.  Using  desire  in  its  widest  possible 
acceptation,  there  is  a  sense  in  which  it  may  be 
identified  with  will.  It  is  the  wish,  the  vow,  the 
prayer,  the  yearning,  of  the  soul.  To  clothe  this  with 
all  the  attributes  of  will  we  have  only  to  observe  it 
passing  into  action.  Will  is  the  active  expression  of 
the  soul's  meaning.  If  it  does  not  pass  into  action, 
it  at  least  passes  into  effort,  and  it  is  effort  rather  than 
action  in  which  the  dynamic  quality  inheres.  The 
interests  of  life  must  be  subserved  ;  pains  experienced 
or  feared  must  be  escaped  ;  life  must  be  preserved  and 
continued ;  hopes,  aspirations,  ambitions,  goals,  must 
be  realized.  It  is  will  that  accomplishes  all  this. 
Without  it  all  is  lost.  This  is  the  meaning  of  op- 
timism as  a  principle  of  nature  rather  than  a  world 
view  or  tenet  of  philosophy.  There  is  no  balancing 
of  the  gains  and  losses  of  existence.  There  is  no 
faltering  or  hesitation.  Existence  must  be  preserved, 
and  nature  has  pointed  the  way.  The  will  gives  the 
command  and  the  body  obeys.  The  effort  is  put 
forth,  and  the  result  is  limited  only  by  the  amount  of 
physical  power  and  the  amount  of  resistance  encoun- 
tered. 

1  Schopenhauer,  The  world  as  will  and  idea. 


the  term. 


74 


The   Dynamic  Agent 


90.  Optimism  is  the  normal  attitude  of  ali  sentient 
beings.  No  other  attitude  is  possible  in  the  animal 
world  or  in  any  type  of  mankind  that  has  not  reached 
a  high  degree  of  intellectual  development.  Only 
such  a  developed  intellect  when  deprived  of  an  ade- 
quate knowledge  of  nature  is  capable  of  inventing  a 
quietistic  philosophy.  The  doctrine  of  the  denial  of 
the  will,  if  it  could  be  rigidly  enforced,  would  quickly 
terminate  the  course  of  any  race  that  should  practice 
it.  Natural,  spontaneous,  or  impulsive  optimism  is 
true,  and  is  a  healthy  social  influence.  It  means 
self-preservation,  race  continuance,  and  social  prog- 
ress. But  rational  optimism  is  both  false  and 
shallow.  The  moment  the  light  of  reason  is  turned 
upon  it,  it  withers  and  decays.  A  little  reason  cor- 
rupts and  neutralizes  the  optimistic  impulses  and 
produces  that  false  and  mongrel  optimism  that 
teaches  the  folding  of  the  arms  and  the  gospel  of 
inaction.  More  reason  penetrates  to  the  dark 
reality  and  ends  in  pessimism  or  the  gospel  of 
despair  and  nirvana. 

91.  But  it  is  possible  to  probe  still  deeper  and  to 
find  again  the  hope  that  characterizes  the  first  blind 
subrational  or  ultrarational  struggle  for  existence. 
Rational  optimism  and  pessimism  are  products  of  the 
naked  reason,  than  which  no  guide  is  more  unsafe. 
The  true  guide,  the  Moses  that  is  to  lead  man  out 
of  the  wilderness,  is  science.  The  naked  reason 
must  be  clothed.  Man  must  learn  to  know.  He 
must  learn  how  and  why  he  is  subjected  to  all  these 
woes,  and  then  he  may  see  a  way  of  escaping  them. 
The   only    science    that    can    teach    this    is    social 


Meliorism  75 

science.  This  science  does  teach  it,  and  it  gives  forth 
no  uncertain  sound.  The  mental  and  social  state  to 
which  social  science  points  is  neither  optimism  nor 
pessimism,  but  meliorism.  Meliorism  means  the 
liberation  of  the  will,  so  that  it  may  assert  itself  as 
freely  and  as  vigorously  as  it  ever  did  under  the  rule 
of  blind  impulse.  It  means  the  massing  and  system- 
atic application  of  all  the  vastly  increased  powers  of 
developed  man  to  the  perfected  machinery  of  society. 
The  avenues  of  action  should  be  cleared  and  not  choked 
up  as  at  present.  Different  social  movements  should 
be  along  appointed  paths  and  not  in  opposite  directions 
in  the  same  path  so  as  to  neutralize  each  other.  The 
combined  social  will  may  thus  be  so  adjusted  as  to 
exert  its  full  force  in  one  harmonious  and  irresistible 
effort  toward  the  accomplishment  of  the  supreme 
social  end. 

REFERENCES  TO  WARD'S  OTHER  WORKS 

Dynamic  sociology.  Topics  in  Index,  volume  II :  Conative  fac- 
ulty ;  Consciousness  ;  Desire  ;  Emotions  ;  Fatalism  ;  Feelings ; 
Meliorism  ;  Optimism  ;  Pessimism  ;  Will. 

Psychic  factors.  Chapters  VI-XV  inclusive  and  Chapter  XIX. 
Index:  Consciousness;  Desire;  Dynamic;  Emotional  sense; 
Emotions  ;  Feelings  ;  Meliorism  ;  Optimism  ;  Pessimism  ; 
Soul;  Will. 

Pure  sociology.     Chapters  VI-VIII  inclusive. 


CHAPTER    VIII 

CLASSIFICATION  OF  THE  SOCIAL  FORCES 

g2.  Basis  of  classification.  93.  Choice  of  terms.  94.  Classification 
95.  Meaning  of  terms.  96.  Relationships  among  the  social  forces. 
97.  Paradoxes.  98.  Relative  value  of  feeling  and  function. 
99.  Enjoyment  as  an  end.  100.  Fear  of  natural  phenomena. 
101.   Utilization  of  social  forces. 

Basis  of  92.    There  are  many  ways  of  classifying   social 

classification,  phenomena.1  In  a  certain  very  wide  sense  all  force 
is  one,  but  from  its  different  modes  of  manifestation 
it  is  convenient  to  recognize  a  number  of  forces. 
Our  point  of  view  is  that  of  regarding  sociology  as  a 
true  science,  and  the  principal  characteristic  of  a 
true  science  is  that  it  is  a  domain  of  natural  phenom- 
ena produced  by  a  special  class  of  forces.  The 
forces  producing  social  phenomena  are  the  social 
forces,  and  taken  together  they  constitute  the  dy- 
namic agent.  The  social  forces  are  wants  seeking 
satisfactions  through  efforts,  and  are  thus  social 
motives,  or  motors  inspiring  activities.  They  reside 
in  the  individual,  but  become  social  through  inter- 
action, cooperation,  and  cumulative  effects.  They 
are  all  primarily  physical  or  physiological,  even 
those  classed  as  spiritual,  for  the  organism  is  the 
only  source  from  which  they  can  emanate. 

1  See  eg.  Stuckenberg,  Sociology,  volume  I  ;    Fairbanks,  introduction. 

76 


Feeling  and  Function  77 

93.  At  the  outset  we  encounter  the  obstacle  pre-  Choice  of 
sented  by  the  choice  of  terms.  Although  the  dy-  terms- 
namic  agent  consists  wholly  in  feeling,  such  is  the 
poverty  of  the  language  of  feeling  that  it  would  be 
difficult  or  impossible  to  find  the  requisite  terms  in 
that  vocabulary.  For  this  reason  it  seems  best  to 
choose  most  of  the  terms  from  the  language  of  func- 
tion. Here  there  is  comparatively  little  difficulty. 
The  world  has  always  avoided  as  far  as  possible  the 
expression  of  feeling.  It  exposes  too  plainly  the 
bodily  and  mental  states,  which  are  naturally  con- 
cealed. Under  the  highest  states  of  feeling  indif- 
ference is  feigned.  If  the  feeling  is  pleasurable, 
there  is  either  an  ascetic  sense  of  its  sinfulness  or  a 
sense  of  shame  in  its  avowal,  and  it  is  experienced  in 
silence.  If  it  is  painful,  it  involves  the  admission  of 
imperfection  or  defectiveness,  which  no  one  wishes 
to  admit.  Everything  thus  conspires  to  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  utterance  of  feeling  and  to  prevent  the 
possibility  of  the  development  of  a  rich  and  copious 
language  of  feeling.  But  when  it  comes  to  function, 
the  case  is  reversed.  Here  the  language  is  rich  and 
the  vocabulary  ample.  This  is  because  of  the  sup- 
posed dignity  and  nobility  of  function.  It  is  instinc- 
tively felt  that  the  preservation  of  the  individual  and 
the  race,  the  maintenance  of  the  social  order,  the 
furtherance  of  social  progress,  and  the  aesthetic, 
moral,  and  intellectual  development  of  mankind  are 
paramount  considerations  upon  which  any  amount 
of  effort  and  energy  may  be  profitably  expended. 
The  consequence  is  that  they  have  from  the  first 
been    made   the  subjects    of    exhaustive    treatment, 


78 


Classification  of  the  Social   Forces 


and  thousands  of  volumes  have  been  written  deal- 
ing with  them  from  almost  every  conceivable  point 
of  view.  It  is  this  that  has  rendered  the  language 
of  function  so  full  and  complete. 

94.    The  classification,  then,  may  be  given  the  fol- 
lowing form :  — 


o 


o 
w 


r 


Physical  Forces 
(Function  bodily) 


Ontogenetic 
or Preserva-* 
tive  Forces . 


Phylogenetic 
or  Repro- 
ductive 


Positive,  gustatory 
(seeking  pleasure). 

Negative,  protective 
(avoiding  pain). 


Forces 

**  '*  *** 


^ 
&*<- 


Spiritual  Forces 
(Function  psychic) 


Sociogenetic 
Forces 


r  Direct.    The  sexual  and 
amative  desires. 

Indirect.  Parental  and 
consanguineal  affec- 
tions. 

Moral,  emotional 

(seeking  the  safe  and 
good). 

Esthetic  (seeking  the 
beautiful). 

Intellectual  (seeking  the 
useful  and  true). 


95.  The  Ontogenetic  or  the  Preservative  Forces 
may  be  called  the  Forces  of  Individual  Preservation  ; 
the  Phylogenetic  or  the  Reproductive  Forces  may 
be  called  the  Forces  of  Race  Continuance ;  and  the 
Sociogenetic  Forces  as  a  whole  may  be  called  the 
Forces  of  Race  Elevation.  Although  the  forces 
called  preservative  in  the  above  table  of  classification 


Socialization  79 

are  desires  and  wants  of  individuals,  and  serve  pri- 
marily to  preserve  the  lives  of  individuals,  it  is  also 
true  that  they  are  the  influences  which  work  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  social  order  through  the  princi- 
ple of  social  synergy, 1  and  they  are  therefore  the 
forces  of  social  as  well  as  individual  preservation. 
We  shall  therefore  use,  as  synonymous  with  the  ex- 
pression "  preservative  forces,"  the  expression  onto- 
genetic forces.  In  like  manner  the  "  reproductive 
forces  "  may  be  called  the  pliylogenetic  forces,  as  the 
influences  that  work  the  perpetuity  and  continuity  of 
the  phylum,  hereditary  stock,  or  race.  From  the 
standpoint  of  function  they  take  no  account  of  the 
individual,  but  in  continuing  the  race  they  make 
the  life  of  the  individual,  as  it  were,  continuous. 
In  thus  continuing  the  membership  of  society  they 
continue  society  itself.  This  is  true  social  reproduc- 
tion. The  term  sociogenetic  forces  is  applied  to 
the  "  spiritual  forces,"  meaning  by  this  that  they  are 
psychic  in  a  somewhat  different  and  "higher"  or 
"  nobler  "  sense  than  the  physical  forces,  which  are 
designated  as  "physical,"  not  that  they  can  be  other 
than  psychic,  but  simply  that  their  functions  are 
physical,  while  the  functions  of  the  spiritual  forces 
are  also  psychic.  As  "  forces  of  race  elevation," 
these  are  the  chief  civilizing  agencies.  They  are 
also  the  chief  socializing  agencies.  But  the  differ- 
ence between  civilizing  and  socializing  agencies  is 
not  wide.  Whatever  is  socializing  either  is,  or  may 
become,  civilizing.  Socialization  is  the  first  step 
toward  civilization,  and  all  aesthetic,  moral,  and  intel- 

1  See  chapter  XII. 


8o 


Classification  of  the  Social  Forces 


lectual  influences  are  working  for  civilization  chiefly 
through  socialization. 

96.  Many  other  relationships  might  be  pointed  out 
among  the  social  forces.  The  physical  forces  may 
be  regarded  as  original  and  the  spiritual  as  deriva- 
tive, and  it  is  practically  true  that  the  latter  are  con- 
fined to  the  human  race,  while  the  former  are  common 
to  both  men  and  animals.  It  is  also  true  that  while 
the  former  become  social  by  stimulating  activities 
which  unconsciously  produce  social  effects,  the  latter 
are  essentially  socializing  and  tend  to  race  elevation 
and  universal  culture.  Again,  all  the  physical  forces 
may  be  regarded  in  one  sense  as  negative,  since  they 
are  directed  to  the  prevention  of  pain  rather  than  the 
production  of  pleasure.  Hunger,  thirst,  cold,  fear, 
want  of  every  kind,  and  also  love,  are  painful  states, 
to  escape  from  which  men  continually  strive,  while 
the  satisfactions  derived  from  successful  efforts  in 
these  directions  are  for  the  most  part  momentary 
and  count  for  next  to  nothing  as  pleasures  compared 
to  the  gain  of  having  escaped  from  the  pains.  On 
the  other  hand  the  spiritual  forces  may  be  classed  as 
positive,  since  to  a  much  less  degree  are  they  directed 
to  the  relief  of  pain,  and  they  are  almost  wholly 
directed  to  securing  pleasures  whose  absence  is  not 
felt  as  a  pain.  Sympathy,  it  is  true,  is  a  secondary 
or  representative  pain,  an  echo  in  self  of  the  pains  of 
others,  but  most  moral  action  is  performed  for  the 
pleasure  it  yields,  and  not  to  escape  from  even  this 
form  of  pain.  The  aesthetic  forces  are  still  more 
positive  in  this  sense,  while  the  intellectual  forces 
seem  to  be  wholly  so. 


Social  Paradoxes  8 1 

97.  Among  other  relations  of  the  social  forces  we  Paradoxes, 
find  a  class  which  may  be  characterized  as  paradoxes 
of  the  social  forces.  The  facts  last  stated  might  be 
classed  among  these  paradoxes,  viz.,  that  the  physi- 
cal impulses  are  negative,  while  the  spiritual  ones  are 
positive.  But  it  is  also  true  that  the  physical  forces 
are  altruistic,  while  the  spiritual  forces  are  egoistic. 
The  maintenance  of  life  and  of  the  race  are  highly 
altruistic  objects,  and  it  is  these  that  the  physical 
forces  secure.  On  the  other  hand,  the  spiritual  forces 
are  egoistic.  This  follows  from  what  has  just  been 
said,  in  that  they  are  not  modes  of  escape  from  danger 
to  the  individual  and  the  race,  but  ways  of  pursuing 
pleasure  for  its  own  sake.  There  is  great  confusion 
in  the  popular  ideas  of  high  and  low,  coarse  and 
refined,  worthy  and  unworthy.  The  most  worthy 
and  noble  of  all  things  are  those  that  preserve  and 
perpetuate  the  race.  This  is  function  and  the  end 
of  nature.  The  physical  social  forces  are  therefore 
those  that  represent  the  highest  necessity,  while  the 
spiritual  forces  chiefly  represent  utility.  The  funda- 
mental criterion  of  utility  is  the  quantity  of  satisfac- 
tion yielded,  and,  measured  by  this  standard,  it  is 
clear  that  the  spiritual  interests  far  outweigh  the 
physical  interests  of  developed  man.  Physical  satis- 
factions have  greater  intensity,  but  spiritual  satis- 
factions have  greater  duration.  This  gives  volume 
to  spiritual  pleasures  much  more  than  sufficient  to 
counterbalance  the  greater  intensity  of  physical 
pleasures.  The  physical  forces  are  characterized  by 
their  necessity,  while  the  spiritual  forces  are  charac- 
terized by  their  utility.     The   former   chiefly   serve 


82 


Classification  of  the  Social   Forces 


Relative 
value  of 
feeling  and 
function. 


Enjoyment 
as  an  end. 


function  and  secure  the  ends  of  nature,  standing 
thus  largely  on  the  biological  plane,  while  the  latter 
minister  to  feeling  and  secure  the  ends  of  man,  and 
therefore  stand  wholly  on  the  sociological  plane. 
The  first  are  ontogenetic  and  phylogenetic,  while  the 
second  are  exclusively  sociogenetic. 

98.  Here  may  be  mentioned  one  of  the  most  far- 
reaching  laws  in  the  domain  of  sociology,  viz.,  that 
while  function  is  fixed  in  quantity,  feeling  increases 
in  proportion  to  development.  It  would  be  easy  to 
illustrate  this  in  the  lower  orders  of  life  where 
everything  seems  to  be  subordinated  to  function,  and 
nature  seems  wholly  indifferent  to  feeling.  In  biotic 
progress  it  is  obvious  that  the  capacity  for  both  pleas- 
ure and  pain  increases  with  the  advance  in  structure. 
There  has  been  a  steady  rise,  as  it  were,  in  the  price 
of  life.  The  lowest  savages  value  life  at  a  very  low 
figure  and  throw  it  away  on  the  slightest  provocation. 
The  value  put  upon  human  life  is  one  of  the  safest 
tests  of  true  progress.  But  it  is  not  life  alone  that  is 
valued  ;  it  is  rather  what  life  affords.  The  primitive 
man  is  not  only  indifferent  to  life,  but  he  is  also  in- 
different to  pain,  as  witness  the  horrible  mutilations 
to  which  savages  so  often  voluntarily  submit,  as  we 
are  told,  without  manifesting  the  usual  reflex  move- 
ments which  even  the  thought  produces  in  us.  The 
savage,  like  the  animal,  lives  chiefly  in  the  present, 
and  does  not  suffer  the  acute  pains  which  a  devel- 
oped imagination  enables  the  more  refined  organiza- 
tions to  represent  in  advance  to  the  mind. 

99.  But  most  important  of  all  is  the  growing  sense 
of  good  which  equally  characterizes  the  progress  of 


Enjoyment  as  an  End  83 

intelligence.  Not  merely  does  man  more  and  more 
value  life  and  shrink  from  pain,  but  he  progressively 
enhances  his  estimate  of  enjoyment,  and  properly  so. 
This  is  to  him  the  only  good,  and  having  been  devel- 
oped as  a  correlate  of  function  it  is  safe  in  the  long 
run  to  trust  it.  It  has  served  this  purpose  well  thus 
far,  and  upon  those  who  deny  it  this  function  rests 
the  burden  of  proof.  What  specially  concerns  the 
sociologist  is  the  fact  that  with  the  development  of 
the  race  more  and  more  attention  has  been  devoted 
to  attaining  the  satisfactions  of  life,  until  these  be- 
come in  the  most  advanced  societies  the  real  if  not 
the  avowed  ends  of  existence.  To  the  credit  of  man- 
kind be  it  said,  moreover,  that  in  all  peoples  at  all 
developed,  the  lower  satisfactions  come  gradually  to 
constitute  only  a  subordinate  part  of  the  object  of 
existence,  and  more  and  more  effort  is  expended  in 
attaining  those  satisfactions  which,  though  not  essen- 
tial to  self-preservation  or  race  continuance,  possess 
for  all  elevated  natures  a  far  higher  value. 

IOO.    In  closing  this  chapter  it  is  worthy  of  remark  Fear  of 
that  the  attitude  of  the  civilized  world  toward  the  natural 

phenomena, 

social  forces  is  analogous  to  the  attitude  of  the  savage 
toward  the  physical  forces.  All  know  that  this  is 
one  of  apprehension.  Fear  and  not  love  of  nature 
is  the  characteristic  of  primitive  peoples.  There  is 
something  peculiarly  awe-inspiring  about  the  phenom- 
ena of  nature.  The  fear  they  arouse  is  out  of  all  pro- 
portion to  the  real  danger.  The  sensation  produced 
by  earthquake  shocks  has  been  graphically  described 
by  Humboldt  and  Darwin,  who,  although  rationally 
assured  that  there  was  little  real  danger,  could  not 


84         Classification  of  the  Social  Forces 

suppress  that  instinctive  terror  that  all  men  have  in- 
herited from  the  savage  state  when  nature  was  re- 
garded as  conscious  and  malignant.  The  sense  of 
personal  helplessness  gives  rise  to  those  indescribable 
terrors  that  natural  phenomena  inspire.  The  idea  of 
the  possibility  of  influencing  natural  events  or  con- 
trolling physical  forces  thus  manifested  is  wholly 
foreign  to  the  primitive  man,  and  the  feeling  is  that 
if  the  inscrutable  powers  of  nature  really  intend  his 
destruction,  there  is  no  remedy. 
Utilization  of  ioi.  Now,  civilized  man,  although  he  has  learned 
social  forces.  not  orjy  to  avert  the  dangers  of  the  physical  forces, 
but  even  to  subjugate  and  utilize  them,  has  made  no 
progress  with  the  social  forces,  and  looks  upon  the  pas- 
sions precisely  as  the  savage  looks  upon  the  tornado. 
Man  is  only  civilized  in  relation  to  the  lower  and 
simpler  phenomena.  Toward  the  higher  and  more 
complex  phenomena  he  is  still  a  savage.  He  has  no 
more  thought  of  controlling,  much  less  utilizing,  the 
social  forces  than  the  savage  has  of  controlling  or 
utilizing  the  thunderbolt.  Just  as  pestilences  were 
formerly  regarded  as  scourges  of  God,  so  the  so- 
called  evil  propensities  of  man,  which  are  nothing 
but  manifestations  of  social  energy,  are  still  looked 
upon  as  necessary  inflictions  which  may  be  preached 
against  but  must  be  endured.  This  difference  is 
wholly  due  to  the  fact  that  while  we  now  have 
sciences  of  physics,  chemistry,  geology,  and  bacteri- 
ology, which  teach  the  true  nature  of  storms,  electric- 
ity, gases,  earthquakes,  and  disease  germs,  we  have 
no  science  of  social  psychology  or  sociology  that 
teaches  the  true  nature  of  human  motives,  desires, 


Man  only   partly  Civilized  85 

and  passions,  or  of  social  wants  and  needs  and  the 
psychic  energy  working  for  their  satisfaction.  The 
sociologist  who  has  a  proper  conception  of  his  science 
as  similar  in  all  essential  respects  to  these  other  sci- 
ences, and  as  having,  like  them,  a  practical  purpose 
and  use  for  man,  looks  upon  the  social  forces  as 
everybody  looks  upon  the  physical  and  vital  forces, 
and  sees  in  them  powers  of  nature  now  doing  injury, 
or  at  least  running  to  waste,  and  perceives  that,  as  in 
the  other  case,  they  may,  by  being  first  studied  and 
understood,  be  rendered  harmless  and  ultimately  con- 
verted into  the  servants  of  man,  and  harnessed,  as  the 
lightning  has  been  harnessed,  to  the  on-going  chariot 
of  civilization. 

REFERENCES  TO  WARD'S  OTHER  WORKS 

Dynamic  sociology.  Topics  in  Index,  volume  II:  Fear;  Func- 
tion vs.  feeling;  Happiness;  Non-essential  social  forces;  Para- 
dox ;  Pleasure  ;  Preservative  forces  ;  Social  forces. 

Psychic  factors.  Chapter  XVIII.  Index:  Feeling  vs.  function ; 
Happiness  ;  Pain ;  Pleasure  ;  Social  forces. 

Outlines  of  sociology .     Chapter  VII. 

Pure  sociology.     Chapter  XII. 

Article.     Some  social  and  economic  paradoxes. 


PART    II 
NATURE   OF   THE   SOCIAL    FORCES 

CHAPTER  IX 

THE  ONTOGENETIC  FORCES 

102.   The  struggle  for  subsistence. 

I.  Exploitation :  103.  Cannibalism.  104.  Slavery.  105.  Labor. 
106.  Forced  Labor.  107.  Labor  under  the  lash.  108.  The  ruling 
classes. 

II.  Property:  109.  Communal,  no.  Origin  of  individual  property. 
in.  Rights  in  property.  112.  Property  as  wealth.  113.  Pursuit 
of  wealth  the  mainspring  of  activity. 

III.  Production:  114.  Slave  production.  115.  Machinofacture. 
116.    Importance  of  production. 

IV.  Social  Distribution  :  117.  The  surplus.  118.  The  Ricardian 
law.     119.    Causes  of  social  distribution. 

V.  Consumption:  120.  Animal  consumption.  121.  Palatableness 
of  food.  122.  Protective  wants.  123.  Influence  of  comfort 
on  development.  124.  Physical  importance  of  ample  nutrition. 
125.   Nutrition  essential  to  mental  superiority. 

102.  In  this  chapter  we  have  to  consider  the  influence 
which  those  human  activities  that  have  subsistence 
for  their  ends  exert  on  the  creation  and  transforma- 
tion of  social  structures.  The  struggle  for  existence  in 
the  animal  world  did  not  cease  with  the  emergence 
of  the  human  species  out  of  that  into  the  social  world, 
but  has  always  continued.  At  a  very  early  stage  the 
environment  raises  opposition  and  threatens  injury, 

86 


Exploitation  87 

and  defensive  activities  are  added  to  the  appetitive 
activities.  The  struggle  grows  more  intense  and  the 
group  sentiment  is  generated  and  creates  incipient 
society.  The  primitive  group  or  horde  is  the  result- 
ant social  structure.  Thus  far  the  competition  is 
with  one  another  and  with  the  environment,  but  when 
the  time  arrives  for  social  integration  to  begin,  the 
competition  is  one  of  group  with  group  and  wholly 
new  elements  enter  into  the  struggle.  The  stage  of 
race  antagonism  is  reached  and  the  era  of  war  be- 
gins. The  chase  for  animal  food  is  converted  into  a 
chase  for  human  flesh,  and  anthropophagous  races 
arise,  spreading  terror  in  all  directions. 

I.    Exploitation 

103.  All  social  processes  that  can  be  called  economic  Cannibalism, 
have  their  origin  in  exploitation.  In  entirely  primi- 
tive social  groups  each  individual  goes  about  in  the 
way  that  animals  do,  seeking  food  and  shelter,  and 
consuming  whatever  he  finds.  There  is  no  social 
result  any  more  than  in  the  case  of  animals,  certainly 
no  more  than  in  the  case  of  such  animals  as  dig  holes 
or  build  nests.  The  efforts  thus  put  forth  have  only 
the  biological  effect  of  somewhat  strengthening  the 
organs  thus  brought  into  exercise.  The  skill  acquired 
in  securing  animal  food  strengthens  the  brain  and 
increases  the  power  of  adaptation'  to  varied  physical 
conditions,  which  was  the  prime  requisite  to  social 
differentiation.  But  early  in  the  stage  of  social  inte- 
gration, the  idea  of  making  some  economic  use  of 
such  proximity  was  not  slow  to  rise  in  the  minds  of 


88  The  Ontogenetic  Forces 

those  groups  that  proved  themselves  superior.  The 
use  of  the  bodies  of  the  weaker  races  for  food  was, 
of  course,  the  simplest  form  of  exploitation  to  sug- 
gest itself.  But  this  stage  was  succeeded  by  that  of 
social  assimilation  through  conquest  and  subjugation. 
The  profound  inequality  produced  by  subjugation  was 
turned  to  account  through  other  forms  of  exploitation. 
The  women  and  the  warriors  were  enslaved,  and  the 
system  of  caste  that  arose  converted  the  conquered 
race  into  a  virtually  servile  class,  while  this  service 
and  the  exemptions  it  entailed  converted  the  leaders 
of  the  conquering  race  into  a  leisure  class. 

104.  Such  was  the  origin  of  slavery,  an  economic 
institution  which  is  found  in  the  earlier  stages  of  all 
the  historic  races.  The  moral  prejudices  of  the 
modern  advanced  races  naturally  cause  wholly  false 
views  to  prevail  relative  to  slavery,  which  the  sociolo- 
gist finds  it  very  difficult  to  contend  with.  As  a  mat- 
ter of  fact  there  never  was  a  human  institution  that  was 
not  called  forth  in  response  to  a  social  demand,  which, 
from  the  scientific  standpoint,  means  a  social  necessity. 

But  many  structures,  both  organic  and  social,  out- 
live their  usefulness  and  persist  as  impediments  to 
the  life  and  health  of  the  organism  and  of  society. 
With  regard  to  the  institution  of  slavery  we  may  say 
that  it  was  an  advance  upon  the  practice  of  exter- 
mination, and  still  more  upon  cannibalism.  It  pre- 
vailed throughout  antiquity  and  persisted  in  Europe 
through  the  Middle  Ages.  The  sentiment  condemn- 
ing it  is  relatively  modern.  It  is  certainly  confined, 
with  very  rare  exceptions,  to  the  last  two  centuries, 
and  chiefly  to  the  nineteenth  century,  and  has  been 


Slave   Labor  89 

almost  exclusively  confined  to  that  form  of  slavery 
which  consisted  in  importing  inferior  races  from  their 
native  country,  chiefly  Africa,  and  enslaving  them  in 
civilized  countries. 

105.  Economists,  socialists,  statesmen,  and  indus-  Labor, 
trial  reformers,  however  widely  they  may  differ  on 
other  matters,  are  agreed  that  all  value  in  the  eco- 
nomic sense  is  due  to  labor,  but  most  of  them  talk  as 
though  labor  was  natural  to  man,  and  as  though  the 
main  question  was  how  to  give  men  work  enough  to  do. 
However  this  may  be  in  civilized  societies  now,  noth- 
ing is  more  certain  than  that  the  original  problem  was 
how  to  make  men  work.  It  does  not  seem  to  be  seen 
that  the  human  race  has  been  radically  transformed 
in  this  respect,  and  that  the  modern  industrious 
artisan  or  laborer  is  utterly  unlike  his  primitive  an- 
cestor. The  pursuit  of  food  wherever  it  can  be  found 
by  the  members  of  the  primitive  horde  can  no  more 
be  called  labor  than  can  the  grazing  of  a  buffalo  or 
the  browsing  of  an  antelope.  Nor  is  there  any  true 
labor  involved  in  the  operations  of  races  in  the  next 
higher  stages  of  culture,  such  as  the  work  of  the 
women  in  performing  the  drudgery  of  the  camp.  It 
may  be  safely  inferred  from  all  that  is  known  of 
actual  savages  and  primitive  peoples,  that  prior  to 
the  period  of  social  integration,  and  at  the  beginning 
of  the  period  of  conquest,  mankind,  both  the  con- 
quered and  the  conquering  races,  were  utterly  incap- 
able of  sustained  labor  and  had  no  conception  of  it. 
Men  of  that  type  would  be  perfectly  worthless  in  the 
industrial  world  to-day.  Their  productive  power  in 
the  economic  sense  would  be  nil. 


90  The  Ontogenetic  Forces 

106.  Now  contrasting  the  disciplined  laborer  of 
modern  society  with  the  undisciplined  savage,  this 
enormous  and  all-important  change  in  human 
character  has  to  be  accounted  for.  How  did  man 
learn  to  work  ?  Did  the  needs  of  existence  teach 
him  self-denial,  tone  down  his  wild,  unsettled  nature, 
and  discipline  his  mind  and  body  to  daily  toil  ?  Not 
at  all.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  if  left  wholly  to  these 
influences,  man  would  never  have  learned  to  labor. 
It  required  some  other  influence  far  more  imperative 
and  coercive.  In  a  word,  nothing  short  of  slavery 
could  ever  have  accomplished  this.  The  aim  of  the 
conquering  race  was  to  gain  the  maximum  advantage 
from  the  conquest.  The  only  thing  the  conquered 
race  possessed  that  had  any  permanent  or  continued 
value  was  its  power  of  serving  the  conqueror.  This 
could  not  escape  the  mind  of  the  latter,  however  low 
his  stage  of  intelligence,  and  as  a  matter  of  fact  and 
of  history,  so  far  as  these  are  known,  this  has  been 
perceived  and  generally  acted  upon.  The  women 
and  the  warriors  at  least,  and  as  many  others  as  were 
needed,  were  enslaved  and  compelled  to  serve  the 
conquering  race. 

107.  The  motive  to  labor  is  no  longer  the  desire 
to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  labor.  This,  as  we  have  seen, 
is  never  sufficient  to  induce  primitive  man  to  perform 
prolonged  and  arduous  tasks.  The  motive  now  is 
fear  of  the  lash.  The  slave  must  work  or  suffer  any 
punishment  his  savage  master  pleases  to  inflict.  If 
flogging  does  not  suffice,  he  may  be  tortured ;  and  if 
torture  fails,  he  will  be  killed.  No  pen  will  ever 
record  the  brutal  history  of  primitive  slavery  through 


The  Capacity  to   Labor  91 

generations  and  even  centuries  of  which  mankind  was 
taught  to  labor.  The  bitterest  scenes  of  an  Uncle 
Toms  Cabin  would  be  an  agreeable  relief  from  the 
contemplation  of  the  stern  realities  of  this  unwritten 
history.  It  will  never  be  known  how  many,  unable 
to  adapt  themselves  to  such  a  great  change  from 
their  former  free,  wild,  capricious  life,  faltered,  failed, 
and  fainted  by  the  way,  to  have  their  places  taken  by 
stronger,  more  flexible,  and  more  adaptable  ones, 
that  could  bear  their  burdens  and  transmit  some 
small  increment  of  their  new-found  powers  of  endur- 
ance to  their  posterity.  For  the  capacity  to  labor 
is  a  typical  "  acquired  character "  that  has  been 
transmitted  in  minute  additions  from  parent  to  off- 
spring and  from  generation  to  generation  of  slaves, 
until  great  numbers  of  men  were  at  last  born  with 
a  "natural"  or  constitutional  power  to  apply  them- 
selves to  monotonous  tasks  during  their  whole  lives. 
This  truth  has  been  dimly  perceived  by  certain 
writers,  but  its  immense  economic  importance  has 
been  almost  completely  overlooked. 

108.  The  number  of  conquering  races  has  always  The  ruling 
been  relatively  small  and  the  number  of  conquered  classes- 
races  has  of  course  been  correspondingly  large. 
This  came  at  length  to  mean  that  the  "  ruling 
classes "  constituted  only  a  small  fraction  of  the 
population  of  the  world,  while  the  subject  classes 
made  up  the  great  bulk  of  the  population.  It  is  not, 
therefore,  a  small  number  of  men  that  have  been 
thus  kept  in  training  all  these  ages,  but  practically 
all  mankind.  It  may  sound  paradoxical  to  call  slav- 
ery a  civilizing  agency,  but  if  industry  is  civilizing, 


92 


The  Ontogenetic  Forces 


there  is  no  escape  from  this  conclusion,  for  it  is  prob- 
ably no  exaggeration  to  say  that,  but  for  this  severe 
school  of  experience  continued  through  thousands  of 
generations,  there  could  have  been  nothing  corre- 
sponding to  modern  industry. 

II.    Property^ 

109.  An  animal  can  scarcely  be  said  to  possess 
anything.  Primitive  hordes  of  men  may  be  said  to 
possess  the  few  things  needed  for  their  existence, 
but  here  the  line  is  practically  drawn  at  the  artificial. 
Even  a  club  is  artificial.  The  skin  of  an  animal  used 
as  a  blanket  has  cost  the  effort  and  skill  of  skinning 
the  animal,  and  this  usually  presupposes  some  kind 
of  instrument,  a  sharp-edged  flint,  for  example,  and 
such  things  may  be  said  to  "belong"  to  their 
"owners."  But  for  most  of  the  possessions  of  un- 
developed races  communal  or  group  ownership  is 
the  prevalent  form.  One  may  call  this  property, 
but  it  is  at  best  only  an  embryonic  form  of  property 
in  an  economic  sense.  In  this  respect,  as  in  so  many 
others,  the  unassimilated  races  are  sharply  marked 
off  from  the  assimilated  races. 

no.  We  have  now  to  deal  with  economic  phe- 
nomena from  still  another  point  of  view,  viz.,  from 
that  of  the  origin  of  property.  As  already  said,  the 
earlier  form  of  property  is  chiefly  communal,  but 
the  later  form  is  individual  possession.  As  property 
is  only  valuable  in  so  far  as  it  satisfies  desire,  the 
first  form  of  individual  property  consisted  largely  in 
slaves,  i.e.,  in  something  that  could  serve  the  owner 

1  Letourneau,  Property. 


Property  93 

and  satisfy  his  wants.  Beginning  with  women,  used 
both  to  gratify  the  lust  and  also  to  wait  on  the  per- 
son of  the  military  chief,  it  extended  to  men,  who 
could  surround  him  with  all  manner  of  luxuries  and 
do  his  general  bidding.  The  other  principal  form  of 
individual  property,  unknown  in  the  earlier  state, 
was  land.  The  lower  races  lay  claim  to  certain 
regions  of  country  as  hunting-grounds,  but  no  one 
member  of  the  group  pretends  to  an  exclusive  right 
to  any  subdivision  of  that  region.  But  after  the  con- 
quest of  one  race  by  another,  the  leading  warriors  of 
the  conquering  race  lay  claim  to  all  the  territory 
occupied  by  the  subject  race  and  proceed  to  divide 
it  up  among  themselves,  assigning  boundaries  to  the 
shares  of  each  individual.  This  assumes  more  com- 
plex forms  with  successive  assimilations,  and  ulti- 
mately creates  the  latifundia  and  the  feudal  fiefs. 
All  the  other  forms  of  property  grow  out  of  these 
two  general  classes,  and  the  ruling  classes  come  into 
the  possession  of  flocks  and  herds,  castles,  vehicles, 
tools,  weapons,  and  everything  that  can  minister  to 
a  life  of  ease  and  domination. 

in.  The  true  economic  idea  of  property  is  the  Rights  in 
possession  of  useful  commodities  in  excess  of  imme-  ProPeity- 
diate  needs.  But  as  has  been  pointed  out  by  many 
writers,  property  in  this  sense  is  impossible  except 
under  the  protection  of  law  and  under  the  power  of  the 
state.  When,  then,  the  regime  of  law  begins,  rights  are 
recognized  and  the  state  protects  them.  Now  for  the 
first  time  there  arises  the  possibility  of  property,  and 
it  is  at  this  stage  that  property  as  a  human  institution 
begins.     When  a  man  can  own  a  camel  or  a  buffalo 


94 


The  Ontogenetic   Forces 


skin,  or  a  spear,  or  a  bronze  axe,  and  be  secured  in  its 
possession  without  having  to  fight  for  it,  or  conceal  it, 
it  becomes  property,  and  next  to  personal  safety,  the 
first  and  most  important  function  of  the  state  is  to 
guarantee  the  security  of  rightful  possession. 

112.  Of  the  many  ways  in  which  the  principle  of 
permanent  possession,  or  property,  contributed  to 
social  development,  the  principal  one  was  the  incen- 
tive it  furnished  to  accumulation.  When  it  is  seen 
that  any  one  may  own  much  more  of  a  thing  than  he 
can  immediately  use,  can  hold  it  for  future  consump- 
tion, or  can  barter  it  for  other  things  that  he  does  not 
possess,  he  will  begin  to  acquire  as  large  an  amount 
as  possible  of  that  which  he  can  most  easily  obtain 
and  hold  it  in  store  for  these  and  other  purposes. 
But  property  in  this  sense  means  much  more  than 
this.  It  was  the  basis  of  exchange,  of  trade,  of  com- 
merce, and  of  business  in  general  as  well  as  of 
industry  in  the  more  restricted  sense.  Property, 
when  thus  guaranteed  and  made  convertible  and 
flexible,  is  made  an  end  and  is  pursued  as  such.  A 
new  desire,  a  new  want,  is  thus  created,  which  finally 
develops  into  a  most  imperative  want.  Property 
assumes  the  character  of  wealth,  and  the  pursuit  of 
wealth,  wholly  irrespective  of  the  power  to  use  it, 
becomes  the  supreme  passion  of  mankind. 

113.  A  large  part  of  the  final  intensity  that  this 
passion  acquired  was,  of  course,  due  to  the  adoption 
of  a  symbol  or  representative  of  property  in  the  form 
of  a  circulating  medium.  Through  this  device  all 
forms  of  property  became  blended  and  reduced  to  one, 
and  the  pursuit   of  wealth  was  converted   into   the 


Production  95 

pursuit  of  money  which  stands  for  wealth.  Besides 
the  legitimate  effect  in  giving  simplicity  and  ease  to 
all  business  transactions,  the  introduction  of  money 
lent  an  additional  charm  to  the  pursuit  of  wealth  and 
greatly  intensified  the  passion.  It  gave  rise  to  a 
universal  plutolatry,  which  took  fantastic  forms,  creat- 
ing both  misers  and  spendthrifts  on  the  opposite 
margins  of  the  social  beam,  but  which  had  for  its 
main  and  solid  effect  to  penetrate  and  illumine  the 
darkest  corners  of  the  material  world.  To  it  the  ma- 
terial civilization  of  the  great  historic  races  is  chiefly 
due.  As  a  factor  in  human  achievement  this  super- 
preservative  social  force,  "  the  love  of  money,"  has 
had  no  rival,  and  still  remains  the  mainspring  of 
economic  and  industrial  activity.  If  to  the  moralist 
it  is  "  the  root  of  all  evil,"  to  the  sociologist,  studying 
the  causes  of  social  development,  it  is  the  root  of  all 
the  good  there  is  in  material  civilization. 

III.    Production 

114.  Production  is  the  creation  of  property.  This,  slave  pro. 
though  true,  is  not  a  definition,  since  there  are  forms  ductlon- 
of  property,  such  as  land,  which  are  not  properly 
produced.  But  production  is  only  possible  through 
labor,  and  is  therefore  a  relatively  late  institution. 
Economists  give  a  very  broad  meaning  to  production, 
as  anything  that  creates  or  increases  value.  It 
might  naturally  be  supposed  that  under  a  system  of 
slavery,  where  the  majority  of  the  population  is  com- 
pelled to  labor,  production  would  be  very  rapid,  but 
this  is  not  the  case.  However  large  the  number  of 
slaves  the  masters  find  ways  of  consuming  all  they 


g6  The  Ontogenetic   Forces 

produce.  The  non-working  classes,  though  numer- 
ically small,  are  naturally  wasteful.  Mr.  Veblen1  has 
shown  how  the  mere  maintenance  of  caste  requires 
gratuitous  and  ostentatious  waste  of  property,  and 
this  is  greatly  increased  by  rivalry  in  displaying 
wealth  on  the  part  of  the  members  of  the  leisure  class 
The  maintenance  of  the  military  rule  consumes  a 
large  share,  and  another  large  portion  goes  to  admin- 
istration. In  all  the  early  societies  there  exists,  be- 
sides the  governing  class  properly  so  called,  a 
sacerdotal  class,  which  is  a  leisure  class  par  excellence. 
Tnis  class  is  habitually  the  recipient  of  large  emolu- 
ments and  costly  luxuries.  All  these  expenses  are 
paid  by  slave  labor  and  by  tribute  from  the  free 
industrial  class.  Societies  thus  organized  produce 
little  in  excess  of  their  supposed  needs,  and  slave- 
holding  nations  do  not  acquire  wealth.  That 
modification  of  this  condition  known  as  feudalism  also 
represents  a  minimum  of  production  and  of  wealth. 

115.  The  earlier  economists  laid  great  stress  on 
agriculture  and  the  production  of  raw  materials,  and 
did  not  clearly  see  to  how  great  an  extent  the  value 
of  the  latter  could  be  increased  by  skilled  labor 
expended  upon  them.  But  now  it  is  held  that  the 
real  wealth  of  nations  consists  chiefly  in  this  refine- 
ment of  the  original  products.  Agricultural  nations 
are  never  rich,  and  mining  countries  do  not  become 
rich  until  provided  with  extensive  manufactories. 
The  great  wealth  of  the  leading  nations  of  the  world 
at  the  present  time  is  almost  wholly  due  to  machine* 
facture. 

1  Veblen,  Theory  of  the  leisure  class. 


Social   Distribution  97 

116.  The  sociological  importance  of  production  as  importance 
thus  understood  consists  in  the  power  of  highly  elab-  °fProduc- 
orated  products  to  satisfy  desire,  contribute  to  ease, 
comfort,  and  the  enjoyment  of  life,  and,  in  general,  to 
render  existence  tolerable  and  desirable.       Any  one 

going  out  of  the  centers  of  civilization  into  regions 
where  "  modern  conveniences  "  have  not  penetrated 
immediately  feels  this.  It  is  a  common  mistake  to 
suppose  that  men  usually  have  the  means  of  satisfy- 
ing all  their  wants.  Aside  from  the  very  rich,  whose 
unsatisfied  wants  consist  of  things  that  money  will 
not  buy,  every  one  at  all  times  wants  unnumbered 
things  that  money  would  buy  if  he  had  it.  And 
aside  from  the  abject  poor  that  swarm  in  the  richest 
countries,  there  is  the  great  toiling  proletariat  who  not 
only  want  many  things  that  they  never  dare  to  hope 
for,  but  also  need  much  to  prevent  physical  suffering. 
There  is  therefore  call  for  a  greatly  increased  pro- 
duction, and  there  is  no  danger  that  too  many  useful 
things  will  be  produced. 

IV.    Social  Distribution 

117.  The  principles  of  economic  distribution  are  The  surplus, 
very  simple  and  have  been  repeatedly  set  forth.     With 

them  we  have  nothing  to  do  here.  But  what  may  be 
distinguished  as  social  distribution  presents  a  problem. 
Under  the  exact  scientific  laws  of  political  economy 
all  surplus  production  should  go  to  the  ruling,  owning, 
employing  class.  The  slave  of  course  owns  nothing, 
any  more  than  does  a  horse.  But  neither  should  the 
wage-worker  own  anything.     The  wage,  according  to 


98 


The  Ontogenetic   Forces 


the  Ricardian  law,  is  fixed  at  the  precise  amount  that 
enables  him  to  live  and  reproduce.  If  he  is  able  to 
possess  anything  beyond  these  requirements,  the  wage 
is  correspondingly  reduced.  If  he  weakens  and  fails 
to  keep  up  his  numbers,  the  law  will  spontaneously 
eke  out  his  wage  till  he  can  again  keep  even. 

118.  Now,  the  question  is,  has  this  law  always 
operated  rigidly  in  society  ?  So  far  as  slavery  is 
concerned  we  may  say  that  it  has ;  but  outside  of 
slavery  has  the  working-man  always  been  obliged 
to  be  content  with  the  means  of  subsistence,  includ- 
ing that  of  a  family  large  enough  to  insure  the 
rearing  of  two  children  for  each  pair  to  the  age  of 
reproduction,  so  that  the  number  shall  not  diminish  ? 
If  anything  beyond  this  has  occurred,  then  there  has 
been  social  distribution  to  that  extent.  It  can  now 
be  seen  what  is  meant  by  social  distribution.  It  is 
the  socialization  of  wealth.  It  is  some  transgression 
of  the  iron  law.  It  is  the  existence  of  defects,  cracks, 
pores,  and  fissures  in  the  economic  dam,  by  which 
some  small  part  at  least  of  the  surplus  production 
seeps  through  and  finds  its  way  into  the  hands  of 
the  wage-earner.  It  is  some  check  to  the  economic 
law  whereby  wages  in  excess  of  those  required  to 
live  and  reproduce  fail  to  cause  their  prompt  con- 
traction to  that  point.  No  one  need  of  course  be 
told  that  in  the  present  state  of  the  world,  at  least, 
this  process  is  going  on.1 

119.  We  are  content  to  have  discovered  that  the 
social  forces  have  spontaneously  secured  some  degree 
of  social  distribution,  and  we  may  cast  a  glance  at 

1  Willoughby,  Social  justice. 


Social   Distribution 


99 


some  of  the  special  causes  that  have  produced  this 
result.  It  is  impossible  at  the  outset  for  the  ruling 
class  to  obtain  a  complete  monopoly  of  labor,  and 
after  the  establishment  of  civil  law  and  the  forma- 
tion of  the  state,  whereby  rights  to  property  were 
recognized,  the  economic  laws  operating  among  indi- 
viduals of  all  degrees  of  inequality  of  mind  and  char- 
acter, soon  generated  a  sort  of  archetypal  bourgeoisie 
with  a  multiplicity  of  small  owners  of  varying  degrees. 
As  all  know,  the  exploiting  class  then  became  chiefly 
the  bourgeoisie,  and  under  legal  and  political  protec- 
tion, especially  after  the  era  of  machinery  began, 
wealth  passed  into  the  hands  of  industrial  leaders, 
and  the  great  economic  struggle  began.  But  indus- 
try had  now  become  greatly  diversified,  the  remote 
regions  of  the  world  had  been  opened  up,  and  there 
were  innumerable  outlets  for  the  laborer,  dissatis- 
fied with  his  lot.  The  great  differences  in  ability 
and  character  among  workmen  produced  grades  and 
stimulated  ambition.  Exceptionally  bright  hands 
were  called  to  more  lucrative  places,  compelling 
employers  to  raise  wages  in  order  to  retain  their 
best  men.  Those  who  had  received  the  higher 
grades  of  salary  for  considerable  time  found  them- 
selves in  position  to  withdraw  and  set  up  business  for 
themselves,  thus  becoming  employers  and  perhaps 
"captains  of  industry."  Such  are  a  few  of  the  ways 
in  which  the  iron  law  of  wages  has  been  gradually 
mitigated,  and  social  distribution  secured.1  Social 
distribution  increases  with  increasing  production,  and 

1  Durkheim,  De  la  division  dn  travail  social.      Ely,  Evolution  of 
industrial  society. 


ioo  The   Ontogenetic   Forces 

if  for  no  other  purpose,  therefore,  than  to  increase 
the  social  distribution,  increase  of  production  is  a 
social  desideratum.  The  laborer  becomes  an  ele- 
ment in  the  market,  and  it  is  more  and  more  the 
interest  of  the  proprietor  of  goods  to  let  him  share 
in  their  consumption.  Increased  production  means 
diminished  price,  and  the  latter  at  last  comes  within 
the  resources  of  the  real  producer. 

V.    Consumption 

Animal  120.    If  political  economy  has  nothing  to  do  with 

.onsump  ion.  consump^onj  sociology  has  everything  to  do  with 
it.  Consumption  means  the  satisfaction  of  desire, 
the  enjoyment  of  life,  in  short,  human  happiness. 
Animals  and  the  inferior  types  of  men  literally  "  eat 
to  live."  The  stomach  is  the  main  seat  of  the  nutri- 
ent attraction.  The  food  is  put  there  as  quickly  as 
possible  and  not  allowed  to  linger  on  the  way  to  tickle 
the  papillae  of  the  tongue  and  palate.  Feed  a  hungry 
dog  bits  of  meat  and  watch  the  process  of  degluti- 
tion. The  interval  between  the  time  when  the  mor- 
sel touches  the  animal's  jaws  till  it  is  safely  landed 
in  the  stomach  is  as  short  as  the  action  of  the  organs 
can  possibly  make  it.  It  is  so  nearly  instantaneous 
that  the  eye  can  scarcely  follow  the  wave  that  flits 
along  the  throat  during  the  act  of  swallowing.  It 
cannot  be  said  that  such  an  animal  takes  any  pleas- 
ure in  eating.  The  demand  for  nutrition  is  so  imperi- 
ous that  it  wholly  excludes  all  other  considerations. 
The  satisfaction  is  no  doubt  intense,  but  the  enjoy- 
ment is  nil.     It  might  almost  be  said  that  the  length 


Consumption   of  Food  101 

of  time  it  requires  for  food  to  pass  from  the  lips  to 
the  stomach  is  a  measure  of  civilization.  It  typifies 
the  transition  from  a  complete  subjection  to  function 
to  a  recognition  of  feeling  as  also  an  end,  from  mere 
negative  satisfaction  to  positive  enjoyment,  from  a 
pain  economy  to  a  pleasure  economy. 

121.  Such  a  movement  there  has  been  throughout  Paiatabieness 
the  history  of    human  development.     In  connection  offood- 
with  food  alone  it  has  consisted  in  a  general  improve- 
ment in  the  paiatabieness  of  food.     Instead  of  being 

eaten  in  its  natural  state  nearly  all  food  is  now  pre- 
pared, the  most  important  part  of  the  preparation 
consisting  in  cooking  it.  This  preparation  of  food, 
besides  greatly  increasing  the  number  of  food  prod- 
ucts, converting  into  food  many  things  that  pre- 
viously were  not  edible,  has  chiefly  tended  to  render 
all  kinds  of  food  better,  more  savory,  more  palatable 
and  toothsome,  and  thus  to-convert  the  nutritive  act 
from  a  mere  imperative  necessity  into  a  greater 
and  greater  source  of  enjoyment.  Along  with  this, 
and  as  a  consequence  of  it,  there  has  gone  an  in- 
creased inclination  to  masticate  food,  and  thus  to 
prolong  the  period  of  this  enjoyment.  The  habit 
of  eating  slowly,  of  providing  a  variety  of  articles  of 
food,  of  preparing  them  in  a  variety  of  ways,  of  com- 
bining them  variously,  and  of  seasoning  food,  and  all 
the  arts  of  modern  cookery  —  all  this  represents  the 
same  process  of  seeking  to  derive  the  maximum  good 
from  the  physical  necessity  of  eating. 

122.  Not  less  marked  has  been  the  tendency  in  Protective 
the  same  general  direction  in  the  satisfaction  of  the  wants- 
defensive  and  protective  wants  of  mankind.     If  we 


102 


The   Ontogenetic   Forces 


Influence  of 
comfort  on 
development. 


leave  out  the  means  of  protection  from  human  ene- 
mies in  the  form  of  offensive  and  defensive  weapons, 
these  consist  chiefly  in  clothing,  shelter,  and  fuel. 
To  review  the  progress  in  all  these  would  be  both 
tedious  and  unnecessary,  but  we  have  only  to  point 
to  architecture  as  an  aesthetic  art  to  show  that  the 
movement  was  toward  the  realization  of  ideals,  and 
that  the  needs  of  existence  soon  ceased  to  be  the 
motive  that  caused  man  to  build.  In  modern  times 
the  chief  architectural  motive  is  comfort,  which,  after 
all,  is  the  same  as  pleasure,  enjoyment,  happiness. 
Almost  the  same  might  be  said  of  clothing,  except 
that  here  the  field  was  more  open  for  the  extrava- 
gances of  fashion,  and  even  these  are  a  form  of  en- 
joyment for  those  constituted  to  prefer  them.  Upon 
the  whole  the  evolution  of  dress  has  conduced  to  the 
fulness  of  social  life. 

123.  The  relation  that  the  full  satisfaction  of  men's 
wants  bears  to  the  physical  and  mental  development 
of  the  race  is  of  the  highest  interest  to  the  sociologist. 
Many  travelers  have  noted  the  superior  size  of  the 
chiefs  and  rulers  of  the  lower  races,  and  the  fact 
seems  to  be  general.  It  is  also  often  remarked  that 
civilized  men  are  usually  superior  to  savages  physically 
as  well  as  mentally.  The  general  physical  superiority 
of  great  men  in  all  departments,  notwithstanding  cer- 
tain marked  exceptions  which  have  attracted  attention 
because  anomalous,  has  also  been  occasionally  noted. 
Galton  expresses  a  common  feeling  when  he  says  :  "  A 
collection  of  living  magnates  in  various  branches  of 
intellectual  achievement  is  always  a  feast  to  my  eyes  ; 
being,  as  they  are,  such  massive,  vigorous,  capable- 


Importance  of  Ample   Nutrition  103 

looking  animals."1  A  false  notion  to  the  contrary 
of  all  this  prevails,  but  one  has  only  to  look  around. 
Go  into  any  business  establishment  and  you  will  in 
nine  cases  out  of  ten  instantly  pick  out  the  proprietor 
by  his  superior  physique.  It  is  pretty  generally  true 
not  only  that  a  sound  mind  requires  a  sound  body, 
but  that  superior  minds,  including  all  the  qualities  of 
character  that  insure  success,  are  associated  with 
superior  bodies,  usually  larger  than  the  mean  for  the 
race,  and  well-formed,    healthy,   active,   and    strong. 

124.  Galton  would  concede  all  this,  but  his  conclusion   Physical  im- 
f rom  it  is  that  these  men  are  where  thev  are  because  Portance  of. 

J  ample  nutri- 

they  are  superior.  It  would  probably  be  more  nearly  tion. 
true  to  say  that  they  are  superior  because  they  are 
where  they  are.  The  real  truth  lies  between  these  two 
propositions.  Galton  has  emphasized  the  first.  The 
second  should  be  fully  recognized.  Life  is  very  flexible. 
It  adapts  itself  to  circumstances.  Its  preservation  is  so 
essential  that  it  cannot  be  destroyed  by  reducing  the 
amount  of  nutrition.  In  the  history  of  life  there  have 
been  wide  vicissitudes  in  this  respect,  and  the  organ- 
ism has  been  adapted  and  adjusted  to  these  vicissi- 
tudes. If  food  is  abundant,  the  organism  comes  up 
to  that  standard  and  is  correspondingly  robust.  If 
the  supply  falls  off,  the  standard  is  lowered  to  corre- 
spond, but  life  goes  on.  Unless  too  sudden,  a  great 
diminution  of  the  supply  can  thus  be  sustained  with- 
out destroying  life.  The  creature  becomes  what  is 
called  stunted,  but  does  not  perish. 

125.  Ample  natural  nutrition  enjoyed  by  a  whole   Nutrition 
people  or  by  a  large  social  class  will  cause  a  healthy  essential  to 

1  Hereditary  genius,  p.  321.  superiority. 


104  The   Ontogenetic   Forces 

development  which  will  ultimately  show  itself  through 
physical  and  mental  superiority.  Thus  far,  such  has 
been  the  history  of  mankind  that  it  has  always  been 
a  special  class  that  has  been  able  to  obtain  the  means 
thus  fully  to  nourish  the  body.  That  class  has  always 
been  superior  physically  to  the  much  larger  class  that 
has  always  been  inadequately  nourished.  Adequate 
protection  from  the  elements  in  the  way  of  houses, 
clothes,  and  fires  tends  in  the  same  direction,  while 
improper  exposure  dwarfs  and  deforms  both  body 
and  mind.  Leisure,  in  the  proper  sense  of  exemption 
from  the  necessity  of  making  painful  and  prolonged 
exertion,  coupled  with  such  physical  and  mental  exer- 
cise as  the  system  demands,  or  the  normal  use  of  all 
the  faculties,  cooperates  with  full  nutrition  and  ade- 
quate protection  to  develop  the  faculties  and  perfect 
the  man.  On  the  other  hand  compulsory  exertion  in 
the  form  of  excessive  and  protracted  labor,  blunts  and 
stunts  all  the  faculties  and  tends  to  produce  a  more 
or  less  deformed,  stiffened,  and  distorted  race  of  men. 
When  we  remember  that  in  real  truth  these  two  op- 
posite influences  have  been  at  work  in  human  society 
ever  since  its  organization,  with  the  intense  persist- 
ence of  caste  conditions  working  to  prevent  the  mix- 
ing of  the  classes,  we  have  abundant  cause  for  all  the 
observed  physical  and  mental  inequalities  in  men. 
The  reason  why  this  explanation  is  not  clearer  is  that 
during  the  past  three  centuries  the  original  conditions 
have  been  disturbed  and  a  great  social  panmixia  has 
been  going  on,  greatly  obscuring  the  elements  of  the 
problem.  Still,  although  slave~y  has  been  abolished 
and  the  feudal  system  overthrown,  the  new  industrial 


Material   Basis   of  Civilization  105 

system  is  largely  repeating  the  pristine  conditions, 
and  in  the  Old  World  especially,  and  more  and  more 
in  the  New,  class  distinctions  prevail,  and  differences 
of  nutrition,  of  protection,  and  of  physical  exertion 
are  still  keeping  up  the  distinction  of  a  superior  and 
an  inferior  class.  The  former  has  come  up  to  the 
limit  of  its  possibilities  ;  the  latter  is  arrested  on  the 
plane  at  which  it  can  exist  and  reproduce.  And  thus 
is  exemplified  the  truth  that  "  man  ist  was  man  zsst." 
This,  too,  is  the  great  truth  that  lies  at  the  bottom  of 
the  so-called  "  historical  materialism."  Not  only  does 
civilization  rest  upon  a  material  basis  in  the  sense  that 
it  consists  in  the  utilization  of  the  materials  and  forces 
of  nature,  but  the  efficiency  of  the  human  race  de- 
pends absolutely  upon  food,  clothing,  shelter,  fuel, 
leisure,  and  liberty. 

REFERENCES   TO   WARD'S   OTHER  WORKS 

Dynamic  sociology.  Topics  in  Index,  volume  II:  Acquisition; 
Distribution  of  wealth  ;  Exchange  ;  Foods  ;  Labor ;  Land  ; 
Money  ;  Nutrition  ;  Population  ;  Production  ;  Property  ;  Slav- 
ery ;  Wealth. 

Psychic  factors.     Index:  Acquisition;  Labor;  Wages. 

Pure  sociology.     Chapter  XIII. 

Articles.  Psychologic  basis  of  social  economics ;  Utilitarian 
economics. 


CHAPTER   X 

THE   PHYLOGENETIC   FORCES 

126.  Two  theories  of  sex  relationship. 

127.  I.  The  Androcentric  Theory. 

II.  The  Gyn/ecocentric  Theory.  —  128.  Female  sex  primary. 
I2g.  Biological  development  of  the  male.  130.  Gynsecocracy. 
131.  Androcracy.     132.  Andreclexis.     133.  Subjection  of  woman. 

III.  Classification  of  the  Phylogenetic  Forces.  —  134.  Classifi- 
cation. (1)  Natural  Love  :  135.  Definition.  136.  Purity  of  natural 
love.  137.  Regulation.  138.  Celibacy.  139.  Natural  love  a  social 
necessity.  (2)  Romantic  Love :  140.  Worth  of  social  feelings. 
141.  Development  of  emotional  centers.  142.  Beginnings  of  roman- 
tic love.  143.  Ampheclexis.  144.  Natura  naturans.  145.  Function 
of  romantic  love.  146.  Its  influence  on  social  organization. 
(3)  Conjugal  Love:  147.  Essential  quality  of  conjugal  love. 
148.  Monogamy  necessary.  149.  Equality  of  the  sexes  essential. 
150.  Morality  of  monogamy.  151.  Social  influence  of  conjugal 
love.  (4)  Maternal  Love  :  152.  Meaning  of  the  term.  153.  Ma- 
ternal love  a  conservative  principle.  154.  Its  coming  importance. 
(5)  Consanguineal  Love :  155.  Love  of  kindred.  156.  Its  social 
influence. 

Two  theories       126.    The  proper  subject  of  this  chapter  would  be 
ofsexreia-      ^e  influence  exerted  by  those  forces  that  have  repro- 

tionship.  ■>  r 

duction  for  their  functional  end  in  the  direction  of 
creating  and  transforming  social  structures.  Keep- 
ing in  view,  however,  the  genetic  method  of  treat- 
ment, the  subject  demands  that  exploration  be  made 
into  the  remote  and  obscure  beginnings  and  prehu- 
man course  of  things  leading  up  to  and   explaining 

106 


Theories  of  Sex-Relationship  107 

the  facts  that  lie  on  the  surface  of  the  highly  artificial 
and  conventionalized  society  of  to-day.  At  the  out- 
set, therefore,  two  theories  will  be  presented  to  account 
for  the  existing  relations  between  the  sexes,  between 
which  the  reader  can  choose  according  to  the  consti- 
tution of  his  mind,  or  he  can  reject  both.  The  first 
may  be  called  the  androcentric  theory,  the  second  the 
gyncecocentric  theory. 

I.    The  Androcentric  Theory 

127.  The  androcentric  theory  is  the  view  that  the 
male  sex  is  primary  and  the  female  secondary  in  the 
organic  scheme,  that  all  things  center,  as  it  were,  about 
the  male,  and  that  the  female,  though  necessary  in 
carrying  out  the  scheme,  is  only  the  means  of  con- 
tinuing the  life  of  the  globe,  but  is  otherwise  an  un- 
important accessory,  an  incidental  factor  in  the  general 
result.  This  is  the  general  statement  of  the  androcen- 
tric theory  as  a  tenet  of  biological  philosophy,  but  as 
a  tenet  of  sociology  or  anthropology,  it  becomes  the 
view  that  man  is  primary  and  woman  secondary,  that 
all  things  center,  as  it  were,  about  man,  and  that 
woman,  though  necessary  to  the  work  of  reproduc- 
tion, is  only  a  means  of  continuing  the  human  race, 
but  is  otherwise  an  unimportant  accessory,  an  inci- 
dental factor  in  the  general  result. 

II.    The  Gyncecocentric  Theory 

128.  The  gynaecocentric  theory  is  the  view  that  Female  sex 
the  female  sex  is  primary  and  the  male  secondary  in  Pnmary- 
the  organic  scheme,  that  originally  and  normally  all 


108  The   Phylogenetic   Forces 

things  center,  as  it  were,  about  the  female,  and  that 
the  male,  though  not  necessary  in  carrying  out  the 
scheme,  was  developed  under  the  operation  of  the 
principle  of  advantage  to  secure  organic  progress 
through  the  crossing  of  strains.  The  theory  further 
claims  that  the  apparent  male  superiority  in  the 
human  race  and  in  certain  of  the  higher  animals 
and  birds  is  the  result  of  specialization  in  extra- 
normal  directions,  due  to  causes  which  have  noth- 
ing to  do  with  the  general  scheme,  but  which  can 
be  explained  on  biological  and  psychological  princi- 
ples ;  that  it  only  applies  to  certain  characters,  and 
to  a  relatively  small  number  of  genera  and  families. 
It  accounts  for  the  prevalence  of  the  androcentric 
theory  by  the  superficial  character  of  human  knowl- 
edge of  such  subjects,  chiefly  influenced  by  the  illu- 
sion of  the  near,  but  largely,  in  the  case  of  man  at 
least,  by  tradition,  convention,  and  prejudice.  But  it 
so  happens  that  while  the  facts  depended  upon  to 
support  the  androcentric  theory  are  patent  to  all, 
those  that  support  the  gynsecocentric  theory  are  la- 
tent and  known  to  very  few.  A  fuller  statement  of 
the  basis  for  this  theory  is  therefore  essential. 

129.  In  brief  it  may  be  said  that  the  male  was 
created  at  a  comparatively  late  period  in  the  history 
of  organic  life,  but  soon  began  to  assume  more  or  less 
the  form  and  character  of  the  primary  organism,  which 
is  then  called  the  female.  Selection  of  the  best  exam- 
ples and  rejection  of  the  inferior  ones  caused  the  male 
to  rise  in  the  scale  and  resemble  more  and  more  the 
primary  organism,  or  female.  But  other  qualities 
were  also  selected  than  those  that  the  female  pos- 


Gynaecocracy  109 

sessed.  This  was  due  to  the  early  development  of 
the  aesthetic  faculty  in  the  female,  and  these  qualities 
were  in  the  nature  of  embellishments.  The  male, 
therefore,  while  approaching  the  form  and  stature  of 
the  female,  began  to  differ  from  her  in  these  aesthetic 
qualities.  The  result  was  that  in  the  two  highest  classes 
of  animals,  birds  and  mammals,  the  male  became  in 
many  cases,  but  not  in  all,  highly  ornamental,  and 
endowed  with  numerous  peculiar  organs,  called  sec- 
ondary sexual  characters.  To  further  selection  a  plu- 
rality of  males  often  occurred,  and  these  became 
rivals  for  female  favor.  This  led  to  battles  among 
the  males,  which  further  developed  the  latter,  espe- 
cially in  the  direction  of  size,  strength,  weapons  of  of- 
fense, and  general  fighting  capacity.  These  qualities 
were  never  used  to  force  the  female  into  submission, 
but  always  and  solely  to  gain  her  favor  and  insure 
the  selection  of  the  successful  rivals.  In  many  birds 
and  mammals  these  qualities  thus  became  greatly  over- 
developed, resulting  in  what  may  be  called  male  efflo- 
rescence. To  a  considerable  extent,  but  less  than  in 
many  other  species,  the  immediate  ancestors  of  man 
possessed  this  overdevelopment  of  the  male,  and  in 
most  primates  the  male  is  larger,  stronger,  and  more 
highly  ornamented  than  the  female. 

130.  When  the  human  race  finally  appeared  through  Gynsecoc 
gradual  emergence  from  the  great  simian  stock,  this  racy- 
difference  in  the  sexes  existed,  and  sexual  selection  was 
still  going  on.  Primitive  woman,  though  somewhat 
smaller,  physically  weaker,  and  aesthetically  plainer 
than  man,  still  possessed  the  power  of  selection,  and 
was  mistress  of  the  kinship  group.     Neither  sex  had 


I  IO 


The   Phylogenetic   Forces 


any  more  idea  of  the  connection  between  fertilization 
and  reproduction  than  do  animals,  and  therefore  the 
mother  alone  claimed  and  cared  for  the  offspring,  as 
is  done  throughout  the  animal  kingdom  below  man. 
So  long  as  this  state  of  things  endured  the  race  re- 
mained in  the  stage  called  gyncecocracy,  or  female 
rule.  That  this  was  a  very  long  stage  is  attested  by 
a  great  number  of  facts. 

131.  As  it  was  brain  development  which  alone  made 
man  out  of  an  animal  by  enabling  him  to  break  over 
faunal  barriers  and  overspread  the  globe,  so  it  was 
brain  development  that  finally  suggested  the  connec- 
tion between  fertilization  and  reproduction,  and  led  to 
the  recognition  by  man  of  his  paternity  and  joint  pro- 
prietorship with  woman  in  the  offspring  of  their  loins. 
This  produced  a  profound  social  revolution,  overthrew 
the  authority  of  woman,  destroyed  her  power  of  selec- 
tion, and  finally  reduced  her  to  the  condition  of  a  mere 
slave  of  the  stronger  sex,  although  that  strength  had 
been  conferred  by  her.  The  stage  of  gynaecocracy 
was  succeeded  by  the  stage  of  androcracy,  and  the 
subjection  of  woman  was  rendered  complete. 

132.  Under  the  patriarchate,  or  patriarchal  family, 
woman  was  reduced  to  a  mere  chattel,  bought  and 
sold,  enslaved,  and  abused  beyond  any  power  of 
description.  At  a  later  stage,  brought  about  by  the 
collision  of  primitive  hordes  and  by  a  general  system 
of  wars  and  conquests  resulting  in  race  amalgama- 
tion, forms  of  marriage  more  or  less  ceremonial  arose, 
which,  though  all  in  the  nature  of  the  transfer  of 
women  for  a  consideration,  still  somewhat  mitigated 
the  horrors  of  earlier  periods,  and  resulted  in  a  gen- 


Andreclexis  1 1 1 

eral  state  of  polygyny  among  the  upper  classes. 
The  powerful  effect  of  race  mixture  in  hastening  brain 
development,  coupled  with  its  other  effect  in  creating 
a  leisure  class  in  which  the  physical  wants,  including 
the  sexual,  were  fully  supplied,  resulted  in  a  high 
aesthetic  sense  in  man,  and  led  to  a  widespread  system 
of  male  sexual  selection,  or  andreclexis,1  through 
which  the  physical  nature  of  woman  began  to  be 
modified.  Although  this  could  affect  only  a  com- 
paratively small  percentage  of  all  women,  it  was 
sufficient  to  produce  types  of  female  beauty,  and  it 
is  chiefly  to  this  cause  that  woman  has  acquired  the 
quality  of  a  "  fair  sex,"  in  so  far  as  this  term  is  appli- 
cable. The  general  effect  of  male  sexual  selection, 
however,  was  rather  to  diminish  than  to  increase  her 
real  value,  and  to  lower  than  to  raise  her  general 
status.  It  increased  her  dependence  upon  man,  while 
at  the  same  time  reducing  her  power  to  labor  or  in 
any  way  protect  or  preserve  herself. 

1The  various  kinds  of  selection  play  such  an  important  role  in 
modern  dynamic  biology  that  they  seem  to  demand  a  special  termi- 
nology. The  phrases  natural  selection,  artificial  selection,  sexual  selec- 
tion, etc.,  besides  being  too  long  for  convenient  use,  are  not  all  free  from 
ambiguity.  For  example,  sexual  selection  does  not  indicate  which  sex 
does  the  selecting,  but  it  is  generally  understood  that  by  it  only  female 
selection  is  meant.  To  express  the  opposite  it  is  necessary  to  say, 
male  sexual  selection.  It  should  be  possible  to  designate  each  different 
kind  of  selection  by  a  single  word,  and  the  following  terms  are  there- 
fore proposed.  They  are  derived  from  the  Greek  word  e/<Xe£ts, 
selection,  and  an  appropriate  first  component  expressing  the  kind 
of  selection:  — 

Geneclexis,  natural  selection;  teleclexis,  artificial  (intentional) 
selection;  gyneclexis,  female  sexual  selection;  andreclexis,  male  sex- 
ual selection;   ampheclexis,  mutual  sexual  selection. 


112 


The  Phylogenetic  Forces 


Subjection  of        133.    Throughout    all  human    history  woman  has 
woman.  been  powerfully  discriminated  against  and  held  down 

by  custom,  law,  literature,  and  public  opinion.  All 
opportunity  has  been  denied  her  to  make  any  trial 
of  her  powers  in  any  direction.  In  savagery  she  was 
underfed,  overworked,  unduly  exposed,  and  merci- 
lessly abused,  so  that  in  so  far  as  these  influences 
could  be  confined  to  one  sex,  they  tended  to  stunt  her 
physical  and  mental  powers.  During  later  ages  her 
social  ostracism  has  been  so  universal  and  complete 
that,  whatever  powers  she  may  have  had,  it  was  im- 
possible for  her  to  make  any  use  of  them,  and  they 
have  naturally  atrophied  and  shriveled.  Only  during 
the  last  two  centuries  and  in  the  most  advanced 
nations,  under  the  growing  power  of  the  sociogenetic 
energies  of  society,  has  some  slight  relief  from  her 
long  thraldom  been  grudgingly  and  reluctantly 
vouchsafed.  What  a  continued  and  increasing  ten- 
dency in  this  direction  will  accomplish  it  is  difficult  to 
presage,  but  all  signs  are  at  present  hopeful.1 
Classification.  134-  With  this  brief  statement  of  the  gynaecocen- 
tric  theory  we  may  now  consider  the 


III.     Classification  of  tJic  PJiylogcnetic  Forces 

Just  as  the  ontogenetic  forces  may  be  summed  up  in 
the  word  Jiunger,  so  the  phylogenetic  forces  may  be 
summed  up  in  the  word  love.  As  the  phylogenetic 
forces  must  consist  in  different  modes  of  manifesta- 

1  Fustel  dc  Coulanges,  The  ancient  city;  Westermarck,  History  of 
human  marriage  ;  Howard,  Matrimonial  institutions ;  Ueddes  and 
Thomson,  Evolution  of  sex;  Oilman,  Women  and  economics  ;  Ellis, 
Alan  and  woman  ;  Bachofen,  Das  Mutterrecht. 


The   Five   Forms  of  Love  113 

tion  of  the  one  general  force,  love,  the  classification 
becomes  that  of  the  different  kinds  of  love,  in  so  far 
as  that  sentiment,  or  psychic  unit,  has  undergone 
differentiation.  Thus  viewed,  there  are  five  kinds 
of  love  that  are  sufficiently  distinct  to  be  separately 
treated,  though  all  are  genetically  connected.  The 
order  adopted  is  rather  convenient  than  either  genetic 
or  chronological,  and  the  special  reasons  for  prefer- 
ring it  will  appear  as  we  proceed. 

The  sociologist  recognizes  the  five  following  modes 
of  manifestation  of  the  phylogenetic  forces,  or  forms 
of  love :  — 

(1)  Natural,  (2)  Romantic,  (3)  Conjugal,  (4)  Ma- 
ternal, and  (5)  Consanguineal  love. 

These  will  be  treated  in  the  above  order. 

(1)  Natural  Love 

135.  Natural  love  is  the  innate  interest  created  by   Definition, 
the  principle  of  advantage  and  implanted,   primarily 

in  the  male,  to  secure  fertilization  and  the  crossing  of 
strains.  It  is  the  original  form  of  all  love,  and  all 
other  forms  are  derivatives  of  it.  It  is  still  found  in 
full  strength  even  in  those  individuals,  races,  and 
peoples  who  possess  the  derivative  forms  in  their 
highest  development.  This  is  because  the  derivative 
forms  alone  are  powerless  to  secure  the  primary  ends 
of  reproduction  and  variation,  and  however  much  a 
refined  sentiment  may  deprecate  the  necessity,  it 
remains,  and  seems  likely  to  remain,  a  necessity. 

136.  The  fundamental  reason  why  natural  love  is   Purity  of 
deprecated    by  developed  minds  is  that  during  the  natural  love- 
second    or    metaphysical    stage   of    development    of 


1 14  The   Phylogenetic  Forces 

human  thought  matter  was  held  to  be  vile,  and  only 
the  spiritual,  including  mind,  was  considered  pure. 
This  conception  prevailed  far  into  the  positive  stage ; 
but  science,  which  is  the  essence  of  the  positive 
world  view,  teaches  the  spirituality  of  matter,  and  is 
fast  dispelling  the  false  metaphysical  attitude  with 
regard  to  it.  It  is  therefore  probable  that  the  purity 
of  natural  love  will  ultimately  be  recognized  by  all 
enlightened  minds.  The  same  metaphysical  state  of 
mind  is  responsible  also  for  the  general  tendency 
to  underrate  and  belittle  sexual  matters  in  society, 
to  keep  them  perpetually  in  the  background,  and  to 
maintain  the  utmost  possible  ignorance  of  them  on 
the  part  of  the  youth  of  both  sexes.  The  reason  why 
this  method  fails  and  leads  to  such  unhappy  results 
as  it  is  now  known  to  do  is  that  it  puts  forward  a 
falsehood,  viz.,  that  such  matters  are  unimportant, 
when  in  fact  they  are  the  most  vital  of  all  the  sub- 
jects of  human  contemplation.  The  purity  and 
nobility  of  natural  love  have  been  perceived  by  all 
truly  great  minds,  but  few  have  had  the  courage  to 
speak  a  word  in  favor  of  its  redemption  from  the 
false  and  hypocritical  odium  that  a  pharisaical  world 
seeks  to  cast  upon  it.  A  more  rational  and  scientific 
standpoint  shows  that  the  sexual  passion,  everywhere 
and  always,  has  been  the  great  life-tonic  of  the  world, 
the  sublimest  and  most  exalted  as  well  as  the  purest 
and  noblest  of  impulses. 

137.  That  such  a  tremendous  power  in  society 
should  require  regulation  goes  without  saying,  but 
what  are  all  marriage  systems  but  modes  of  regulat- 
ing this  power?     Nature  can  of  course  be  controlled, 


Effects  of  Celibacy  115 

but  cannot,  any  more  than  any  other  natural  force,  be 
destroyed  or  suppressed.  It  can  only  be  directed. 
But  it  may  be  wrongly  as  well  as  rightly  directed. 
It  may  be  made  to  flow  in  dangerous  as  well  as  in 
safe  channels.  In  general  it  may  be  said  that  man 
has  succeeded  fairly  well  in  his  attempts  to  direct  the 
phylogenetic  forces,  chiefly  through  marriage  systems, 
which  have  usually  grown  out  of  manifest  necessities. 

138.  The  phylogenetic  forces  are  somewhat  excep-  Celibacy 
tional,  in  that  they  are  to  some  extent  subject  to  the 
individual  will.     Unlike  the  ontogenetic  forces,  their 
suppression  in  the  case  of  any  particular  individual 

does  not  result  in  death.  From  this  has  arisen  the 
false  idea  that  they  are  capable  of  permanent  sup- 
pression with  impunity.  All  who  are  competent  to 
speak  upon  this  question  agree  that  this  is  not  the 
case.  The  most  common  of  these  abnormal  forms 
that  the  permanent  suppression  of  the  phylogenetic 
forces  assumes  is  that  of  mysticism,  which  is  a  sort 
of  disease  due  to  sexual  cerebration.  Whatever  may 
be  the  power  of  particular  individuals  under  the  influ- 
ence of  religious  or  philosophical  ideas  to  suppress  by 
the  exercise  of  the  will  the  spontaneous  demands  of 
their  nature,  this  must  always  be  confined  to  a  very 
small  fraction  of  the  human  race,  and  for  the  great 
mass  of  mankind  no  such  considerations  can  have 
weight,  or  check  the  perennial  flow  of  the  great 
stream  of  passion  that  surges  through  society. 

139.  We  must  therefore  distinguish  between  indi-  Natural  love 
vidual  necessity  and  social  necessity.     Sexual  satisfac-  j^!£L  ne" 
tion  is  a  social   necessity.     The  phylogenetic  forces 

are  as  irresistible  as  the  winds  or  the  tides.    Not  only 


n6  The  Phylogenetic  Forces 

is  the  sexual  instinct  the  powerful  social  stimulus  that 
has  been  described,  but  it  is  also  an  essentially  social 
bond.  The  primary  association  is  necessarily  sexual. 
Society  must  begin  with  the  propagating  couple,  and 
as  this  primary  association  necessarily  increases  the 
membership  of  the  group,  it  is  clear  that  the  basis  of 
society  must  be  sexual.  It  is  therefore  obvious  that 
the  sociologist  cannot  ignore  such  vital  considera- 
tions, but  must  deal  with  sexual  phenomena  as  with 
other  social  phenomena.  It  is  not  maintained  that 
there  has  been  any  disposition  on  the  part  of  soci- 
ologists to  overlook  the  statical  phenomena  of  primi- 
tive group  life.  What  has  been  overlooked,  or 
even  purposely  avoided,  is  the  dynamic  side  of  the 
subject.  Kinship  groups,  hordes,  tribes,  states,  and 
nations  are  simply  effects.  They  should  not  absorb 
all  attention  to  the  exclusion  of  the  causes  that  have 
produced  them.  These  causes  are  the  social  forces, 
and  the  special  causes  of  this  class  of  effects  are  the 
phylogenetic  forces  that  form  the  subject  of  this 
chapter.  There  has  been  a  systematic  avoidance  of 
this  vital  question,  and  the  story  of  the  world  has  con- 
sequently been  left  only  half  told.  In  fact,  human 
history  and  sociology  as  they  now  exist  are  only  ex- 
purgated editions,  stale  and  lifeless  from  the  omis- 
sion of  the  mainsprings  that  have  ever  impelled  the 
machinery  of  society. 


(2)   Romantic  Love 

al    forces    are    psych 

The  application  to 

the  term  pJiysical  is  therefore  not  strictly  correct,  but 


Worth  of  140.    All    social    forces    are    psychic,  and   in   that 

social  feel-       sense  spiritual.     The  application  to  any  of  them  of 


Centers  of  Spiritual   Force  117 

if  it  is  done  not  to  stigmatize  them,  but  for  the  sake 
of  distinguishing  some  from  others,  it  maybe  justified 
and  even  useful.  All  feeling  is  psychic,  but  feelings 
differ  in  many  ways,  and  these  differences  are  more 
or  less  correlated.  In  general  those  feelings  which  are 
most  vague  and  least  definitely  located  in  the  body, 
those  that  are  most  internal,  and  those  that  are  least 
intense  and  most  durable,  are  classed  as  more  spirit- 
ual, more  elevated,  and  more  refined.  And  in  fact, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  general  correctness  of 
this  popular  view ;  though  lower  from  the  standpoint 
of  necessity,  since  they  are  not  essential  to  life,  they 
are  higher  from  the  standpoint  of  utility,  i.e.,  they 
are  worth  more  —  more  worthy. 

141.    But  these  feelings  are  derivative,  and  are  the  Deveiop- 
consequences  of   a   qualitative   development   of   the  ment.of 

*  *  r  emotional 

physical  organization  of  man.  For  it  is  not  the  brain  centers. 
of  man  alone  that  has  developed.  The  brain  is  only 
one  of  the  many  nerve  plexuses  of  the  body,  and  there 
is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  it  is  the  only  one  that 
has  undergone  structural  refinement.  Primarily  brain 
mass  is  the  cause  of  intelligence,  and  other  things 
equal,  increase  of  brain  mass  represents  increased 
intelligence.  But  brains  differ  in  kind  as  well  as  in 
size.  Since  the  period  of  social  assimilation  this  has 
undoubtedly  been  the  principal  advance  that  has  been 
made.  The  cross-fertilization  of  cultures  worked 
directly  upon  these  qualitative  characters,  rendering 
the  most  thoroughly  mixed  races,  like  the  Greeks  and 
the  English,  highly  intelligent.  Now,  while  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  this  higher  brain  development 
vitally  influences  all  the  other  nerve  plexuses  of  the 


1 1 8  The  Phylogenetic  Forces 

body,  since  every  conscious  feeling  must  be  referred 
to  the  brain,  it  is  altogether  probable  that  a  process  of 
qualitative  improvement  has  also  and  at  the  same  time 
been  taking  place  in  the  entire  nervous  system,  and 
especially  in  the  great  centers  of  emotion,  and  if  the 
serious  study  of  these  plexuses  could  be  prosecuted, 
as  has  been  that  of  the  brain,  differences  would  in  all 
probability  be  detected  capable  of  being  described,  as 
this  has  been  done  for  the  brain.  In  other  words,  the 
development  of  the  human  race  has  not  consisted 
exclusively  in  brain  development,  but  has  been  a  gen- 
eral advance  in  all  the  great  centers  of  spiritual 
activity. 

142.  It  is  this  psycho-physiological  progress  going 
on  in  all  races  that  have  undergone  repeated  social 
assimilation,  that  has  laid  the  foundation  for  the 
appearance  in  the  most  advanced  races  of  a  derivative 
form  of  natural  love  which  is  known  as  romantic  love. 
It  is  a  comparatively  modern  product,  and  is  not  even 
general  among  highly  assimilated  races.  It  is  prac- 
tically confined  to  the  races  that  represent  the  ac- 
cumulated energies  of  all  the  past  and  the  highest 
human  achievement,  and  is  limited  to  the  last  nine  or 
ten  centuries  of  the  history  of  these.  It  began  to 
manifest  itself  some  time  in  the  eleventh  century  of 
the  Christian  era,  and  was  closely  connected  with  the 
origin  of  chivalry  under  the  feudal  system.1  What- 
ever may  be  said  of  the  Middle  Ages  as  tending  to 
suppress  the  natural  flow  of  intellectual  activities, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  they  were  highly  favorable 
to  the  development  of    emotional  life.     The  intense 

1  Cornish,  Chivalry. 


Greater   Equality  of  Women  119 

religious  fervor  that  burned  in  its  cloisters  for  so 
many  centuries  served  to  create  centers  of  feeling, 
until  the  men  and  women  of  the  eleventh  century 
found  themselves  endowed  with  far  higher  moral 
organizations  than  those  of  the  ancient  Greeks  and 
Romans.  They  had  been  all  this  time  using  their 
emotional  faculties  as  they  never  had  been  used  be- 
fore, and  the  Lamarckian  principle  of  increase  through 
use  is  as  true  of  those  faculties  as  it  is  of  external 
muscles  and  organs.  Without  a  preparation  in  this 
latent  growth  of  the  emotional  faculties  neither 
chivalry  nor  romantic  love  could  have  made  its 
appearance. 

143.  Romantic  love  was  due  primarily  to  the  greater  Ampheciexis. 
equality  and  independence  of  woman.  She  reac- 
quired to  some  extent  her  long-lost  power  of  selec- 
tion, and  began  to  apply  to  men  certain  tests  of 
fitness.  Romantic  love  therefore  marks  the  first 
step  toward  the  resumption  by  woman  of  her  natural 
scepter  which  she  yielded  to  the  superior  physical 
force  of  man  at  the  beginning  of  the  androcratic 
period.  It  involves  a  certain  degree  of  female  selec- 
tion or  gyneclexis,  and  no  longer  permitted  man  to 
seize,  but  compelled  him  to  sue.  But  it  went  much 
farther  than  this.  It  did  away  with  the  pure  male 
selection  that  prevailed  throughout  the  androcratic 
regime.  The  great  physiological  superiority  of  the 
new  regime  cannot  be  too  strongly  emphasized.  Its 
value  to  the  race  is  incalculable.  Female  selection, 
or  gyneclexis,  as  we  saw,  created  a  fantastic  and 
extravagant  male  efflorescence.  Male  selection,  or 
andreclexis,   produced  a  female   type,   characterized 


120  The   Phylogenetic  Forces 

by  diminutive  stature,  and  beauty  without  utility. 
Both  these  unnatural  effects  were  due  to  lack  of 
mutuality.  Romantic  love  is  mutual.  The  selec- 
tion is  done  simultaneously  by  man  and  woman.  It 
may  be  called  ampheclexis.  Its  most  striking  charac- 
teristic consists  in  the  phenomenon  called  falling  in 
love. 

144.  It  is  not  commonly  supposed  that  this  so- 
called  tender  passion  is  capable  of  cold,  scientific 
analysis.  It  is  treated  as  something  trivial,  and  any 
allusion  to  it  creates  a  smile.  Yet  over  and  over 
again  in  the  course  of  our  studies  we  have  encoun- 
tered the  mysterious  but  silent  power  that  uncon- 
sciously compasses  ends  not  dreamed  of  by  the 
agents  involved,  the  unheard  voice  of  nature,  the 
unseen  hand,  the  natura  naturans.  Nowhere  has 
there  been  found  a  more  typical  or  more  instructive 
example  of  this  than  that  which  is  furnished  by 
romantic  love.  The  end  is  nothing  less  than  perfec- 
tionment  of  the  human  race.  Whatever  individuals 
may  desire,  the  demand  of  nature  is  unmistakable. 
Primarily  the  object  is  to  put  an  end  to  all  tendencies 
toward  extremes  and  one-sided  development.  It  tends 
toward  the  establishment  of  a  mean,  which  may  be 
regarded  as  an  ideal.  It  is  not  an  ideal  in  the  sense 
of  exceptional  beauty,  unusual  size,  excessive  strength, 
or  any  other  extraordinary  quality.  It  is  an  ideal  in 
the  sense  of  a  normal  development  of  all  qualities,  a 
symmetrical  rounding  out  of  the  whole  physical  organ- 
ism. In  this  of  course  certain  qualities  that  are  con- 
sidered most  valuable  fall  considerably  below  the  level 
attained  in  certain  individuals,  and  this  is  why  it  has 


Human   Perfectionment  121 

been  supposed  to  aim  at  mediocrity.  But  it  is  cer- 
tainly more  important  to  have  a  symmetrical  race 
than  to  have  a  one-sided,  top-heavy  race,  even  though 
some  of  the  overdeveloped  qualities  are  qualities  of  a 
high  order. 

145.  Generally  speaking  persons  of  opposite  "  tern-  Function  ot 
peraments,"  whatever  these  may  be,  attract  each  [°™antIC 
other,  and  the  effect  is  a  gradual  crossing  and  mutual 
neutralizing  of  temperaments.  Romantic  love  is 
therefore  a  great  agent  in  perfecting  and  balancing 
up  the  human  race.  It  follows  as  matter  of  simple 
logic  that  it  should  be  given  full  sway  as  completely 
as  comports  with  the  safety  and  stability  of  society. 
All  attempts  to  interfere  with  its  natural  operation 
tend  to  check  the  progress  of  perfecting  the  race. 
Under  the  androcratic  regime,  during  which  woman 
had  no  voice  in  the  selecting  process,  and  under  the 
patriarchal  system  generally  where  the  marrying  is 
done  by  the  patriarch  and  neither  party  is  consulted, 
nature's  beneficent  aims  were  thwarted,  races  grew 
this  way  and  that,  and  mankind  acquired  all  manner 
of  physical  and  mental  peculiarities.  There  were  of 
course  counteracting  influences,  and  natural  love, 
especially  in  the  middle  classes,  helped  to  maintain 
an  equilibrium,  but  male  selection  dwarfed  woman, 
and  slavery  dwarfed  both  sexes.  Where  a  reason- 
able degree  of  freedom  of  the  sexes  exists  and  there 
is  no  scarcity  of  men  or  of  women,  this  passion  of 
love  becomes  from  a  biological,  from  an  anthropo- 
logical, and  from  a  sociological,  point  of  view,  the 
highest  of  all  sanctions.  It  is  the  voice  of  nature 
commanding   in    unmistakable    tones,    not   only    the 


122 


The  Phylogenetic  Forces 


continuance,  but  also  the  improvement   and  perfec- 
tionment,  of  the  race. 

146.  With  regard  to  the  essential  difference  between 
romantic  love  and  natural  love,  it  consists  chiefly  in 
the  fact  that  the  passion  is  satisfied  by  the  presence 
instead  of  the  possession  of  the  one  toward  whom  it 
goes  out.  The  great  superiority  of  romantic  love  is 
that  it  endures  while  at  the  same  time  remaining 
intense.  But  "  true  love  never  runs  smooth,"  and 
herein  lies  the  chief  interest  of  romantic  love  for 
sociology  and  its  main  influence  on  human  progress. 
Besides  its  effect  thus  far  pointed  out  in  perfecting 
the  physical  organization  of  man,  it  has  an  even 
greater  effect  in  perfecting  his  social  organization. 
It  is  the  special  quality  of  romantic  love  to  develop 
intense  activity  on  the  part  of  great  numbers  of  the 
human  race  at  the  age  of  greatest  efficiency.  All  this 
activity  is  expended  upon  the  immediate  environment, 
and  every  throe  of  the  struggle  transforms  the  envi- 
ronment in  some  degree.  The  greater  part  of  this 
transformation  is  useful  and  contributes  to  its  full 
extent  to  social  progress.  In  the  early  days  and  in 
the  upper  classes  the  demands  of  woman  may  have 
been  somewhat  trivial.  Man  must  do  something 
heroic,  must  prove  his  worthiness  by  acts  of  prowess, 
and  such  acts  may  even  be  opposed  to  true  progress. 
But  they  at  least  develop  manhood,  courage,  honor, 
and  under  the  code  of  chivalry  they  must  have  a 
moral  element,  must  defend  the  right,  protect  the 
weak,  avenge  dishonor,  and  uphold  virtue.  But  in 
the  lower  ranks  even  then,  and  everywhere  since  the 
fall  of  the  feudal  system,  woman  demanded  support 


Conjugal  Love  123 

and  the  comforts  of  life,  luxuries  where  possible,  and 
more  and  more  leisure  and  accomplishment.  To-day 
she  demands  a  home,  social  position,  ease,  and  eco- 
nomic freedom.  More  and  more,  too,  she  requires  of 
men  that  they  possess  industry,  thrift,  virtue,  honesty, 
and  intelligence.  Man  must  work  for  all  this,  and 
this  struggle  for  excellence,  as  woman  understands 
that  quality,  is  an  extraordinary  stimulus,  and  leads 
to  all  forms  of  achievement. 

But  man  also  selects,  for  romantic  love  is  mutual. 
Woman  has  as  much  to  lose  as  man  if  it  results  in 
failure.  Man  therefore  sets  ideals  before  woman. 
She  must  be  worthy  of  him  and  naturally  follows  the 
course  that  he  gives  her  to  understand  is  most  pleas- 
ing to  him.  Thus  she  develops  herself  in  the  direc- 
tion of  his  ideals,  and  both  are  elevated.  She  may 
also  to  some  extent  transform  the  environment,  if  it 
be  no  more  than  the  inner  circle  of  the  family.  The 
combined  effect,  even  in  an  individual  case,  is  con- 
siderable, but  the  volume  of  achievement  thus  wrought 
is  made  up  of  thousands,  nay,  millions  of  small  incre- 
ments in  all  lands  and  all  shades  and  grades  of  life, 
building  ever  higher  and  broader  the  coral  reef  of 
civilization. 

(3)  Conjugal  Love 

147.   The  love  of  a  man  for  his  wife  or  of  a  woman  Essential 
for  her  husband  is  an  entirely  different  sentiment  from   ^JuLi 
that  last  considered.    In  a  certain  way  it  grows  out  of  love, 
it,  but  it  retains  none  of  it,  and  it  has  other  elements 
that  are  wanting  in  romantic  love.     Monogamic  life, 
to  be  successful,  requires  a  certain  amount  of  philoso- 


124  The   Phylogenetic   Forces 

phy.  At  least  it  requires  character.  It  calls  for  quali- 
ties of  heart  and  head  that  lie  deep  and  that  come  out 
in  their  natural  purity  and  vigor  as  soon  as  the  storm 
of  passion  passes  away.  Then,  freed  from  the  thrall 
of  passion,  the  cleared-up  mind  can  begin  to  relish 
other  pursuits  and  gain  satisfactions  of  other  and 
more  solid  and  useful  kinds.  But  in  all  properly  con- 
stituted minds  there  remains  at  least  a  memory  of  the 
tender  emotion  which  predisposes  to  the  appreciation 
of  mutual  companionship  not  hitherto  enjoyed,  and 
this  sentiment,  planted  in  natural  soil,  grows  rapidly, 
and  soon  begins  to  overshadow  all  others.  One  of  the 
happiest  traits  of  human  nature  consists  in  the  fact 
that,  where  there  are  no  repugnant  elements,  the  mere 
personal  proximity  of  individuals  leads  to  attachments 
and  to  a  degree  of  appreciation  and  mutual  valuation 
that  is  wholly  disproportionate  to  real  worth.  There 
can  of  course  be  no  doubt  that  conjugal  love  is  a 
step  more  "  psychical "  and  "  spiritual  "  than  romantic 
love,  just  as  the  latter  is  a  step  more  so  than  natural 
love.  It  is  more  durable,  possesses  greater  volume, 
greater  utility,  more  real  worth,  and  hence  is  more 
worthy. 

148.  It  must  be  obvious  that  conjugal  love  as  here 
portrayed  cannot  exist  under  polygamy.  It  cannot 
then  be  older  than  romantic  love  and  must  be  con- 
fined to  the  same  races  and  peoples.  The  forms  of 
monogamy  that  preceded  that  epoch  were  chiefly 
economic  in  their  purpose.  Polygamy  is  essentially 
a  sort  of  monopoly,  and  as  fast  as  the  spirit  of  liberty 
gave  power  to  more  and  more  men  in  society,  they 
revolted  against  that  monopoly  and  secured  as  far  as 


Monogamy  125 

possible  an  equal  distribution  of  property  in  women. 
Owing  to  the  substantial  numerical  equality  of  the 
sexes  this  could  only  be  attained  by  limiting  every 
man  to  one  wife.  Although  it  is  difficult  to  find  any 
direct  announcement  of  this  principle  as  the  basis  of 
monogamy,  still  it  is  one  of  those  spontaneous,  self- 
executing  laws  that  operate  silently  and  perpetually 
until  they  work  out  the  inevitable  solution.  The 
transformed  society  accepts  the  result  without  know- 
ing why,  and  crystallizes  it  into  an  institution  (mo- 
nogamy), which  is  first  generally  accepted,  then 
surrounded  with  a  legal  and  religious  sanction,  and 
finally  defended  as  something  existing  in  the  nature 
of  things  or  as  "  ordained  of  God,"  or  both. 

149.  As  the  property  idea  gradually  disappeared  Equality  of 
and  woman  came  to  be  looked  upon,  not  as  a  posses-  ^j^f 
sion,  but  as  a  human  being,  a  new  adjustment  became 
necessary.  So  long  as  a  wife  was  only  the  property 
of  her  husband  there  could  be  no  conjugal  infelicity. 
Between  them  there  existed  such  a  social  chasm  that 
no  more  friction  could  arise  than  between  a  man  and 
his  horse.  But  when  woman  came  to  be  regarded  as 
well-nigh  the  equal  of  man,  all  this  was  changed,  and 
there  arose  the  possibility  of  a  conflict  of  wills.  Both 
conjugal  love  and  conjugal  infelicity  are  products  of 
mutuality.  The  recognition  of  a  certain  degree  of 
equality  is  an  essential  condition  to  both.  The  re- 
spect and  friendly  feeling,  growing  in  part  out  of  the 
memories  of  romantic  and  natural  love,  and  in  part 
out  of  propinquity,  work  upon  certain  natures  in  the 
direction  of  forming  and  more  closely  knitting  the 
fibers  of  conjugal  love,  thus  making  the  parties  more 


126 


The   Phylogenetic   Forces 


and  more  indispensable  and  "dear"  to  each  other, 
until  this  bond  becomes  exceedingly  close,  even  indis- 
soluble. On  the  other  hand,  the  conflict  of  wills  may 
tend  more  and  more  to  separate  and  estrange,  and 
ultimately  result  either  in  complete  repugnance  and 
separation,  or  in  one  or  other  of  the  innumerable 
family  jars  that  make  up  domestic  infelicity. 

150.  The  careful  and  impartial  student  will  admit 
that,  taking  into  account  the  past  history  and  present 
condition  of  those  peoples  among  whom  romantic 
and  conjugal  love  exist  at  all,  both  sentiments,  but 
especially  the  latter,  are  on  the  increase,  and  that  the 
human  race  is  growing  more  and  more  monogamic. 
Monogamy  involves  an  enormous  moral  strain.  It 
is  a  severe  discipline  in  requiring  the  constant  habit 
of  mutually  yielding  the  one  to  the  other  in  the  exer- 
cise of  the  will.  The  race  is  developing  in  this  direc- 
tion, and  it  becomes  from  age  to  age  more  easy  to 
surrender  the  will  to  another  with  whom  everything 
in  life  is  so  closely  bound  up.  There  are  all  degrees 
of  difference  in  the  distance  to  which  different  indi- 
viduals have  advanced  in  this  direction,  and  the 
present  status  of  marriage  simply  reflects  these  dif- 
ferences. To  some  monogamy  is  still  intolerable,  to 
others  it  is  barely  endurable,  to  still  others  it  is  gen- 
erally satisfactory  as  the  best  condition  attainable, 
while  to  a  considerable  number  it  is  an  ideal  condition 
whose  improvement  even  cannot  be  conceived  of. 

151.  It  remains  only  to  point  out  that  conjugal 
love  is  a  social  force  even  more  efficient  than  either 
of  the  forms  of  love  thus  far  considered.  The  prin- 
cipal stimulus  is  that  of  providing  for  the  family  that 


Maternal    Love  127 

naturally  grows  out  of  this  relation.  For  the  man 
this  is  unquestionably  the  most  productive  of  all 
stimuli.  It  is  sufficiently  intense  to  cause  sustained 
effort,  and  instead  of  being  only  an  episode  of  a  few 
months'  or  at  most  years'  duration,  it  is  permanent, 
and  continues  from  the  date  of  the  marriage  until 
death  to  impel  to  deeds,  if  not  of  glory  and  renown, 
at  least  of  usefulness  and  social  value.  Instead  of 
having  only  the  incentive  of  the  desire  to  please 
another,  it  has  added  to  this  the  incentive  of  work 
for  its  own  sake.  Freed  from  the  distractions  aris- 
ing out  of  earlier  forms  of  love,  he  can  work  for  other 
ends  and  aim  at  worthier  ideals.  In  a  word,  the 
mental  conditions  attending  conjugal  love  are  the 
best  possible  for  human  achievement,  and,  as  we 
have  seen,  this  is  the  supreme  test  of  social  efficiency. 
Of  all  the  phylogenetic  forces,  then,  conjugal  love 
seems  to  be  the  one  that  has  contributed  the  greatest 
volume  of  human  achievement,  and  it  is  therefore 
not  to  be  wondered  at  that  it  is  in  the  European  race 
and  during  the  past  three  or  four  centuries  that  the 
greatest  achievements  have  been  wrought  by  man. 

(4)   Maternal  L  ove 

152.  It  is  not  parental  love  with  which  we  now  Meaning  of 
have  to  deal,  but  with  maternal  love,  which  is  one  of 
those  attributes,  like  natural  love,  that  is  commonly, 
but  erroneously,  called  an  instinct.  The  intention 
in  using  this  term  is  to  imply  that  it  is  something 
organic  and  inherent  in  the  physical  constitution,  and 
in  so  far  this  view  is  correct.  Maternal  love  is  some- 
thing that    differs  toto  ccelo  from   parental  love  and 


the  term. 


128 


The   Phylogenetic   Forces 


parental  affection  as  distinguished  from  the  maternal 
emotion.  Nor  is  maternal  love  based  on  sympathy, 
or  if  sympathy  enters  into  it,  it  is  as  a  distinct  and 
added  element  and  has  nothing  to  do  with  it  primarily. 
Sympathy  is  the  basis  of  man's  moral  nature,  a  prod- 
uct of  a  high  rational  power,  capable  of  not  only  rep- 
resenting to  self  the  painful  states  of  others,  but  of 
experiencing  the  reflex  of  such  representation  in  self 
as  a  form  of  pain.  Maternal  love  is  a  faculty  planted 
in  the  nature  of  woman  through  the  laws  of  survival 
and  advantage  as  conditions  to  the  preservation  and 
continuance  of  the  race.  It  does  not  consist  essen- 
tially or  primarily  in  the  love  of  the  helpless.  This 
latter  can  only  be  experienced  by  a  highly  rational 
being,  while  maternal  love,  at  least,  is  shared  alike 
by  man  and  most  of  the  animals  with  which  most  men 
are  chiefly  familiar.  This  last-mentioned  fact  does 
not  detract  from  the  beauty,  purity,  or  worth  of  ma- 
ternal love  as  a  human  attribute.  It  is  one  of  the 
characteristic  attributes  of  the  great  class  of  animals 
called  mammals  to  which  man  belongs,  and  is  directly 
connected  with  the  leading  function  that  distinguishes 
that  class  from  all  others,  viz.,  the  suckling  of  the 
young. 

153.  Maternal  love  is  an  essentially  conservative 
principle,  but  such  principles  are  as  useful  to  society 
as  are  the  active  and  constructive  ones.  Hitherto 
its  effects  have  been  chiefly  biological  in  protecting 
and  preserving  the  race.  As  a  social  force  it  has 
only  operated  in  a  more  or  less  negative  way.  Some- 
times, however,  it  shows  its  immense  power,  and  as  a 
human  passion  it  has  been  made  the  theme  of  many 


Importance  of  Maternal   Love  129 

tragedies.  No  author  has  portrayed  this  power  more 
accurately  or  more  forcibly  than  Victor  Hugo,  and 
nowhere  has  he  done  this  better  than  in  his  Quatre- 
vingt  Treiae  and  the  rescue  of  the  children  from 
the  Tourgue :  "  Maternity  raises  no  issue :  one  can- 
not discuss  with  it.  What  makes  a  mother  sublime 
is  that  she  is  a  sort  of  beast.  The  maternal  instinct 
is  divinely  animal.  The  mother  is  no  longer  a  woman, 
she  is  simply  female."  And  it  is  true.  The  highest 
flights  of  this  passion  are  those  that  most  assimulate 
that  animal  stage  when  the  female  was  the  supreme 
guardian  of  her  own.  Then  the  female  was  not  only 
the  race,  but  did  all  the  work  of  the  race  and  chose 
the  male  besides.  It  was  through  this  long  discipline 
that  not  only  maternal  love,  but  maternal  courage  and 
maternal  efficiency,  were  developed;  and  notwithstand- 
ing the  trials  to  which  woman  was  so  long  subjected, 
she  is  still  capable  of  rising  to  the  occasion,  and  with- 
out hesitation  or  deliberation,  of  defending  her  chil- 
dren in  the  face  of  the  greatest  dangers.  Under  this 
powerful  spur  her  acts  often  seem  almost  miraculous. 

154.  With  the  advent  of  a  stage  of  complete  its  coming 
equality  of  the  sexes  this  power  is  destined,  it  would  imPortance 
seem,  to  play  a  much  more  important  role  than  it  has 
ever  done  in  the  past  or  than  it  plays  in  the  present 
state  of  even  the  most  advanced  societies,  and  if 
women  ultimately  become  the  equals  of  men  in  the 
art  of  portraying  events,  it  is  from  them  that  we  must 
expect  this  passion  to  be  embellished  and  brought 
out  in  the  literature  of  the  future. 


*3° 


The   Phylogenetic  Forces 


(5)  Consanguineal  Love 

155.  The  love  of  kindred  is  probably  an  exclusively 
human  attribute.  It  is  generically  distinct  from  ma- 
ternal love,  although  it  is  felt  by  the  mother  in  addi- 
tion to  that  sentiment.  It  is  the  whole  of  parental 
love  as  such,  and  also  of  filial  and  fraternal  love. 
In  the  horde  there  naturally  exists  a  sentiment  of 
attachment  on  the  part  of  each  member  of  the  kin- 
ship group  for  all  the  rest.  Under  the  matriarchate 
all  consider  themselves  as  brothers  and  sisters,  since 
the  father  is  unknown,  and  in  all  races  where  there 
exists  uncertainty  as  to  the  father,  all  the  members  of 
the  clan  are  brothers. 

156.  The  social  value  of  this  sentiment  consists  in 
the  fact  that  it  comes  to  constitute  the  blood  bond,  or 
feeling  of  attachment  that  exists  among  all  the  mem- 
bers of  an  ethnic  group,  and  this  bond,  as  is  well 
known,  is  exceedingly  strong.  Properly  to  discuss  it, 
however,  it  is  necessary  to  look  specially  at  its  nega- 
tive side,  since  it  is  here  that  lies  its  dynamic  quality. 
In  fact,  it  would  have  been  quite  possible  and  proper 
to  treat  all  the  forms  of  love  from  their  negative 
or  correlative  aspects.  For  to  every  love  there  is  a 
correlative  hate,  and  the  force  of  repulsion  is  some- 
times even  more  powerful  than  the  force  of  attraction. 
The  hate  corresponding  to  natural  love,  romantic 
love,  and  conjugal  love  takes  the  form  of  jealousy. 
The  form  of  hate  corresponding  to  maternal  love  is 
quite  different.  It  is  mingled  with  fear,  and  consists 
in  general  hostility  to  all  dangerous  or  threatening 


Race  Hatred  131 

influences.  Any  person,  animal,  or  thing  that  stands, 
or  is  thought  to  stand,  in  that  attitude  is  hated  and 
combated.  When  it  comes  to  consanguineal  love, 
especially  in  that  generalized  form  constituting  the 
blood  bond,  the  corresponding  hate  becomes  race 
hatred.  Everybody  has  some  idea  of  what  race 
hatred  means,  for  it  is  not  confined  to  savages,  but 
exists  between  the  most  civilized  peoples.  It  was  at 
the  beginning  and  has  always  remained  the  principal 
cause  of  war.  To  the  sociologist  it  is  one  of  the 
prime  factors  of  social  progress,  since  without  it  there 
could  never  have  been  that  series  of  social  assimila- 
tions so  fertile  in  producing  modifications  of  structure 
and  civilization. 

REFERENCES   TO  WARD'S  OTHER  WORKS 

Dynamic  sociology.  Topics  in  Index,  volume  II:  Family; 
Female  supremacy ;  Love ;  Love-forces  ;  Love  sentiment ; 
Male  ;  Marriage  ;  Modesty  ;  Monogamy  ;  Polygamy  ;  Polyg- 
yny; Reproduction;  Sex;  Sexual;  Women. 

Psychic  factors.     Index  :  Female  superiority  ;  Male  ;  Woman. 

Pure  sociology.     Chapter  XIV. 

Articles.  See  Bibliography  ;  Our  better  halves  ;  The  exemption 
of  women  from  labor ;  Genius  and  woman's  intuition. 


CHAPTER   XI 

THE  SOCIOGENETIC   FORCES 

157.   Classification. 

I.  The  Moral  Forces.  —  158.  Two  kinds.  (1)  Race  Morality: 
159.    Based  on  race  preservation.      160.    Race  morality  as  custom. 

161.  Essential  nature  of  race  morality.      (2)   Individual  Morality: 

162.  Altruism.  163.  Sympathy.  164.  Distinction  between  altru- 
ism and  sympathy.  (3)  Ethical  Dualism :  165.  Altruism  a  rela- 
tive term.  166.  Broadening  of  altruism.  167.  Humanitarianism. 
168.    Philozoism.     169.    Love  of  nature.     170.    Ethical  monism. 

II.  The  ALsthetic  Forces.  —  171.  Three  stages  oi  development. 
172.  Imitation  and  imagination.  173.  Art.  174.  Symmetry  in 
art.  175.  Modern  idea  of  art.  176.  Art  a  socializing  agency. 
177.    Art  as  an  end  in  itself.     178.    Social  value  of  art. 

III.  The  Intellectual  Forces.  — 179.  Intellectual  feeling.  180.  (1)  Ac- 
quirement of  Knowledge.  181.  (2)  Discovery  of  Truth:  182.  Interest 
in  the  discovery  of  truth.  183.  Generalization.  184.  (3)  Imparta- 
tion  of  Information.  185.  The  savage  mind.  186.  The  leisure 
class.  187.  Democracy.  188.  Place  of  religion  in  intellectual 
development.  189.  Kidd's  Social  evolution.  190.  Religion  and 
science. 

157.  The  sociogenetic  forces  are  the  socializing  and 
civilizing  impulses  of  mankind.  Although  derived 
from  the  others  and  deeply  rooted  in  the  physical 
nature  of  man,  the  sociogenetic  forces  as  active 
agents  in  the  world  are  relatively  modern,  and  are  the 
products  of  the  complicated  series  of  events  brought 
about  by  the  action  of  primary  social  energy.  These 
civilizing  energies  are  so  recent  and  so  feebly  seated 
that   even   in    the   most   advanced    races   they  form 

132 


The   Moral   Forces  133 

as  yet  only  a  thin  veneering  over  the  fabric  thus 
wrought. 

The  sociogenetic  forces  naturally  fall  into  three 
large  groups,  moral,  aesthetic,  and  intellectual,  and 
perhaps,  upon  the  whole,  the  best  ground  for  an 
arrangement  is  their  immediate  derivation  from  the 
essential  forces,  and  especially  from  the  phylogenetic 
group,  placing  that  class  first  which  seems  to  emerge 
most  immediately  out  of  the  latter.  The  order  of 
treatment  will  therefore  be,  as  already  given,  viz., 
I,  the  moral  forces;  II,  the  aesthetic  forces;  III,  the 
intellectual  forces. 

I.    The  Moral  Forces 

158.  Considered  from  the  standpoint  of  its  origin,  Two  kinds, 
morality  is  of  two  kinds  :  race  morality  and  individ- 
ual morality.     The    roots  of   both  of   these  classes 
penetrate  very  deeply.     Both  of  them  are  exclusively 
human  attributes,  but  both  have   their  strict  homo- 

logues  in  the  animal  world.  As  the  passage  from 
animality  to  humanity  was  wholly  the  result  of  brain 
development  and  consequent  dawn  of  intelligence, 
so  both  kinds  of  morality  were  the  products  of  the 
rational  faculty. 

(1)  Race  Morality 

159.  In  Paragraph  82  attention  is  called  to  the  Based  on 
"group  sentiment  of  safety"  out  of  which  were  sub- 
sequently differentiated  nearly  all  important  coer- 
cive human  institutions,  such  as  religion,  law,  and 
government.  It  was  certainly  the  beginning  of  race 
morality,  the  primary  factor  of  which  was  the  mos, 


race  preser- 
vation. 


134  The  Sociogenetic  Forces 

from  which  term  the  word  mora/ is  derived.  This  form 
of  morality  operates  entirely  in  the  interest  of  function 
and  against  the  claims  of  feeling.  It  seems  therefore 
to  be  precisely  the  opposite  of  the  currently  accepted 
morality,  which  is  based  wholly  on  feeling.  For  how- 
ever much  it  may  be  necessary  to  restrain  feeling, 
the  moral  quality  can  only  arise  in  connection  v/ith 
feeling  creatures.  But  race  morality  is  no  more  con- 
cerned with  the  feelings  of  the  individual  than  nature, 
seems  to  be  when  everything  is  sacrificed  to  the 
safety  of  the  race.  In  fact,  in  race  morality  man 
simply  assists  nature,  or  becomes  an  integral  part  of 
the  natural  forces  that  make  for  race  preservation. 
The  group  puts  its  sanction  upon  everything  that  has 
this  tendency. 
Race  moral-  160.  Race  morality,  therefore,  consists  essentially 
ity  as  custom.  jn  cust0m,  an(j  if  the  customs  of  the  world  are  all 
scrutinized,  the  majority  of  them  will  be  found  to  con- 
sist in  restraints  to  conduct  inimical  to  race  safety.  At 
least  such  was  their  primitive  purpose,  but  many 
have  of  course  departed  widely  from  that  purpose, 
which  may  now  be  difficult  to  trace.  Here  it  becomes 
difficult  to  distinguish  morals  from  religion.  The 
latter  is  little  more  than  the  addition  of  supernatural 
penalties  for  the  violation  of  the  laws  of  race  safety. 
This  is  probably  the  basis  for  the  widespread  belief 
that  religion  is  essentially  moral.  The  current  moral 
teaching  consists  essentially  in  a  morality  of  restraint, 
and  is  undoubtedly  a  survival  of  primitive  race  moral- 
ity. Most  of  its  precepts  are  negative  or  prohibitory, 
and  based  on  the  deep-seated  sense  of  the  danger  of 
overindulging  the  passions. 


Race   Morality  135 

161.  Race  morality  must  be  carefully  distin-  Essential 
guished  from  individual  morality.  From  the  stand-  morality  raCC 
point  of  the  former,  the  effect  of  an  action  upon 
individuals  has  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  its  Tight- 
ness or  wrongness.  The  bottom  of  it  all  is  the  effect 
on  the  safety  of  the  human  race.  "  Duty  "  is  simply 
conduct  favorable  to  race  safety.  Virtue  is  an  atti- 
tude of  life  and  character  consistent  with  the  preser- 
vation and  continuance  of  man  on  earth.  Vice  is 
the  reverse  of  this,  and  is  felt  as  an  attack  upon  the 
race.  If  we  can  get  rid  entirely  of  the  idea  that 
"good"  and  "evil"  have  any  connection  whatever 
with  benefit  or  injury  to  the  individual  or  to  any 
sentient  being,  and  clearly  grasp  the  truth  that  they 
relate  exclusively  to  race  safety  and  race  danger, 
we  can  see  that  the  quality  of  actions  approved  or 
disapproved  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  pleasure  or 
pain  they  may  cause,  but  relates  solely  to  their  effect 
upon  the  race.  The  idea  of  the  race,  however, 
narrows  as  we  descend  in  the  scale  of  civilization, 
and  with  the  savage  it  is  limited  to  his  own  race, 
clan,  tribe,  or  horde. 

The  view  that  the  morality  of  restraint  is  a  sur- 
vival of  primitive  race  morality  is  the  only  one  con- 
sistent with  its  defence,  for  most  of  it  tends  to 
diminish  the  amount  of  enjoyment  instead  of  tending 
to  increase  it,  as  the  opposite  view  would  require. 
Whether  it  actually  does  secure  race  safety  is  an- 
other question.  It  may  be  only  a  social  vestige,  and 
as  such  have  a  somewhat  pathologic  character. 


136  The  Sociogenetic  Forces 


(2)   Individual  Morality 

162.  Individual  morality  is  based  on  altruism. 
Human  altruism,  in  so  far  as  it  is  not  biological,  is 
based  on  sympathy,  and  this  is  also  the  basis  of  all 
morality  except  race  morality.  First  of  all  then,  be 
it  said,  morality  is  a  product  of  brain  development. 
But  the  "  moral  sense,"  the  conscious  altruism,  the 
ability  to  feel  with  other  feeling  beings,  was  not  an 
early  psychic  attribute,  but  required  a  relatively  high 
degree  of  brain  development.  It  consists  in  a  power 
of  representing  the  psychic  states  of  others  to  self. 
It  is  only  the  intensive  sensations  that  are  thus  repre- 
sented, which  consist  exclusively  of  pleasurable  and 
painful  states.  The  power  of  representation  is  the 
distinguishing  characteristic  of  the  growing  intellect, 
but  it  is  twofold,  or  takes  two  different  directions, 
producing  two  distinct  psychic  faculties,  the  one  sub- 
jective, the  other  objective.  The  subjective  faculty 
produced  by  representation  is  sympathy,  the  objec- 
tive one  is  imagination.  We  have  only  to  do  with 
the  first  of  these  here. 

163.  That  sympathy  is  a  rational  faculty  admits 
of  no  doubt.  All  developed  human  beings  con- 
stantly experience  it.  It  might  be  an  idle  specula- 
tion to  try  to  ascertain  the  absolute  beginning  of 
sympathy.  It  may  be  the  reverse  of  Spencer's  idea 
that  it  grew  out  of  "love  of  the  helpless."  It  is, 
indeed,  probable  that  this  was  about  the  earliest 
manifestation  of  sympathy.  It  may  also  be  that  it 
first  appeared  in  woman  as  a  mother  with  her  strong 


Sympathy  and  Altruism  137 

native  love  of  her  offspring,  which,  though  in  itself 
an  entirely  different  faculty,  early  blended  with,  or 
helped  to  create,  the  derivative  reason-born  faculty 
of  altruism.  Altruism  or  sympathy  would  not  be  a 
force,  it  could  not  be  a  motive,  if  it  did  not  reside  in 
the  agent,  i.e.,  if  it  were  not  egoistic.  All  motives 
are  necessarily  egoistic.  To  condemn  a  motive  be- 
cause egoistic  is  therefore  to  condemn  all  motives. 
But  the  origin  of  subjective  reflex  motives  marked 
an  epoch  in  the  history  of  man.  From  the  stand- 
point of  sociology  and  of  human  progress  generally, 
this  was  the  most  important  of  all  the  steps  the  race 
has  taken.  The  egoistic  reason  unaided  by  the  al- 
truistic reason  could  only  work  such  results  as  the 
subjection  of  woman  and  the  aggrandizement  of  the 
strong.  These,  if  continued  long  enough  and  not 
counteracted,  would  become  highly  antisocial.  They 
might  even  bring  about  the  destruction  of  the  race. 

164.    Altruism  is  therefore  an  essentially  socializ-  Distinction 
ing   force,    i.e.,  it   is   sociogenetic.     Its   name   alone  b^tween 

o  »  '  ©  altruism  and 

reveals  its  social  character.  Although  itself  egoistic  sympathy. 
it  always  expends  itself  on  another.  There  can  be 
no  altruism  without  an  alter.  Altruism  is  not  strictly 
synonymous  with  sympathy.  The  latter,  though  not 
necessarily  negative,  is  usually  so  used.  It  is  repre- 
sentative pain  ;  scarcely  representative  pleasure.  Al- 
truism applies  equally  to  both.  But  altruism  differs 
from  sympathy  in  another  respect.  Sympathy  is 
not  necessarily  a  desire.  It  is  simply  a  feeling. 
True,  it  naturally  suggests  action.  But  this  involves 
an  intellectual  operation,  a  knowledge  of  how  to  act 
to  attain  the  end.     There  are  many  pains  which  the 


138  The  Sociogenetic  Forces 

sufferer  does  not  know  how  to  relieve,  and  therefore 
does  not  act.  Sympathy  may  sometimes  be  such  a 
pain.  Altruism  is  a  complex  conception.  It  is  sym- 
pathy plus  the  desire  to  act.  Or  it  may  be  represen- 
tative enjoyment  plus  the  desire  to  increase  the 
enjoyment  observed  and  represented.  It  is  not 
merely  a  feeling,  it  is  also  a  motive.  Finally,  the 
necessity  that  in  all  altruistic  action  at  least  two  indi- 
viduals be  affected  renders  it  essentially  social.  Its 
primary  quality  is  sociability.  Altruism  and  sociabil- 
ity are  indissolubly  connected.  Sociability  arises  as 
a  natural  and  necessary  consequence  of  altruism,  and 
without  a  certain  amount  of  sociability  there  could 
be  no  proper  society. 

(3)  Ethical  Dualism 

165.  There  is  a  well-known  but  long,  nameless 
fact  which  Dr.  Edward  A.  Ross  has  appropriately 
called  ethical  dualism.  The  fact  itself  is  too  familiar 
to  require  any  elaborate  treatment.  When  we  speak 
of  altruism  to-day,  a  very  different  idea  arises  in  the 
mind  from  that  which  it  is  necessary  to  form  of  the 
altruism  of  primitive  man.  The  difference  is  not  so 
much  in  the  nature  of  the  sentiment  as  in  its  object 
or  range.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  altruism,  or 
other-lovet  in  its  rudimentary  form  is  a  direct  offshoot 
from  consanguineal  love.  It  begins  with  the  nearest 
of  kin  and  is  very  slow  to  emerge  from  that  condition. 
In  the  horde,  the  tribe,  and  also  in  the  clan  there 
exists  a  certain  attachment,  amounting  in  the  end  to 
an  affection,  on  the  part  of  every  member,  to  and  for 
every  other  member  of  the  group.     This  is  the  extent 


Ethical  Dualism  139 

of  primitive  altruism,  and  beyond  the  group,  as  was 
pointed  out,  in  place  of  love  or  affection  there  is  hate 
or  detestation. 

166.  From  this  point  on  there  is  an  ever  widening  Broadening 
circle  within  which  this  altruistic  affection  goes  out.  ofaltrulsm- 
Maternal  love  is  the  most  intense  of  all  affections,  but 

it  is  also  the  most  restricted.  Parental  love  is  an 
increase  in  the  amplitude  with  a  diminution  of  the 
intensity.  The  more  general  forms  of  consanguineal 
love  repeat  the  process  in  the  same  way,  and  when 
the  kinship  group  becomes  large,  the  same  absolute 
quantity  of  force  may  be  regarded  as  distributing 
itself  to  all  the  members.  Then  the  personal  element 
is  lost  sight  of  and  we  have  simple  race  attachment. 
At  last,  when  the  stage  is  reached  at  which  a  new 
people  and  a  nation  are  formed,  the  altruistic  principle 
reappears  in  a  new  form.  The  amalgamated  mass 
becomes  a  unit,  and  the  original  blood  bond  has  its 
counterpart  in  what  is  vaguely  called  love  of  country, 
in  which  conception  the  people  are  included  along 
with  the  land  and  physical  environment.  At  any 
stage,  however,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  man's  moral 
nature  has  always  been  dual.  The  sacred  books  of 
the  Hebrew  race  show  conclusively  that  morality  was 
one  thing  for  the  Jew  and  another  for  the  Gentile. 
With  the  Greeks  all  outside  of  Greece  were  "01  fidp- 
fiapoi."  It  was  not  otherwise  in  Rome,  and  it  has 
always  been  so  for  all  peoples  and  nations.  Persons 
who  may  be  very  sympathetic  as  regards  others  of 
their  own  race  are  often  utterly  indifferent  to  those 
of  another  race. 

167.  It  is  only  with  the  highest  types  of  men  in 


140  The   Sociogenetic   Forces 

enlightened  nations  that  the  widest  circles  of  ethical 
influence  are  produced.  Here  we  find  a  few  individ- 
uals who  are  called  philanthropists,  and  whose  altru- 
ism is  less  or  not  at  all  limited  by  considerations  of 
race  or  nationality.  Sympathy  here  often  outruns 
the  judgment  and  involves  inconsistencies  and  wasted 
effort.  The  greatest  danger  is  in  ignoring  the  law  of 
parsimony  and  creating  parasitic  degenerates  (Para- 
graph 37).  A  curious  fact  in  connection  with  this 
is  that  the  great  conquering  races  are  the  most  phil- 
anthropic, the  most  altruistic.  Humanitarianism  may 
be  distinguished  from  philanthropy  as  a  still  further 
step  in  the  same  direction,  in  which  benevolent  senti- 
ments are  placed  more  under  the  control  of  reason 
and  philosophy.  Properly  it  has  nothing  to  do  with 
dispensing  charity,  but  seeks  rather  to  reorganize 
society  so  that  the  minimum  pain  and  the  maximum 
enjoyment  may  be  insured.  Its  aim  is  meliorism. 
In  its  most  advanced  form  it  eschews  measures  and 
devotes  itself  to  the  propagation  of  ideas,  and  espe- 
cially to  the  diffusion  of  those  forms  of  knowledge 
which,  universally  shared,  will  spontaneously  and 
automatically  work  all  needed  and  all  possible  re- 
form. 

168.  The  love  of  animals,  which  might  be  called 
pJiilozoism,  may  be  regarded  as  still  another  step  in 
the  spread  of  altruistic  sentiments,  including  now  all 
sentient  beings  in  its  wide  embrace.  A  true,  rational, 
and  consistent  love  of  animals  and  man  because  they 
are  all  feeling  creatures  is  a  noble  impulse  and  marks 
the  highest  point  in  purely  ethical  development. 

169.  Here  we  should  probably  stop,  but  there  is 


The  Love  of  Nature  141 

another  step  that  seems  to  be  in  the  same  direction,  Love  of 
although  it  transcends  the  bounds  of  the  ethical  world  nature* 
and  hence  can  scarcely  be  called  a  form  of  altruism. 
This  step  is  the  love  of  nature.  It  is  not  love  in  the 
sense  of  possible  sympathy  or  of  any  conceivable  bene- 
fit that  can  be  done,  and  yet  it  still  is  love.  It  is  the 
connecting  link  between  the  moral  and  the  aesthetic,  and 
yet  it  is  not  wholly  a  sense  of  pleasure  in  the  contem- 
plation of  the  beautiful  or  the  sublime.  It  is  the 
most  disinterested  of  all  sentiments,  since  there  is  no 
possible  way  in  which  man  can  contribute  anything 
to  nature.  It  is  also  wholly  free  from  all  expectation 
of  material  benefit  from  nature.  It  is  not  curiosity  to 
know  more  of  nature,  although  this,  or  at  least  an 
ardent  desire  to  do  so,  necessarily  accompanies  it. 
Reduced  to  its  simplest  terms  it  is  nothing  more  than 
an  appreciation  of  nature.  But  when  we  reflect  on 
what  is  implied  in  nature,  this  is  seen  to  be  a  lofty 
sentiment.  For  nature  is  infinite,  and  the  serious 
contemplation  of  nature  brings  the  mind  into  relations 
with  the  infinite.  It  is  this  which  gives  both  dignity 
and  charm  to  the  sentiment,  and  connects  it  with 
religion,  which,  as  Ratzenhofer  says,  is  at  bottom  the 
striving  of  the  finite  mind  after  the  infinite. 

170.  Such  is  ethical  dualism,  but  the  point  to  which  Ethical 
we  have  traced  it  lies  beyond  the  limits  that  are  em-  monism- 
braced  by  that  expression.  It  is  no  longer  a  dualism, 
it  is  a  monism.  In  ethical  monism,  while  there  is  no 
longer  any  love  in  the  proper  sense,  so  also  there  is 
no  hate.  If  it  could  become  universal,  there  would 
be  no  need  of  any  altruism.  Human  beings  and  ani- 
mals would  no  more  need  sympathy  than  do  moun- 


142 


The  Sociogenetic  Forces 


Three  stages 
of  develop- 
ment 


tains  and  clouds.  If  all  producible  happiness  were 
actually  produced,  and  all  preventable  suffering  were 
actually  prevented,  there  would  not  only  be  no  "  sci- 
ence "  of  ethics,  but  there  would  be  no  ethics,  no 
moral  conduct,  no  conduct  at  all  as  distinguished 
from  natural  activity.  The  world  would  become 
"amoral  "  or  anethical.  Ethics,  which  Spencer  erects 
into  a  great  science  coordinate  with  and  higher  than 
sociology,  would  be  eliminated  from  the  world  through 
the  normal  operation  of  its  own  laws.1 

II.    The  JEsthetic  Forces 

171.  The  aesthetic  faculty  does  not  seem  to  be  trace- 
able quite  as  far  back  as  is  animal  altruism.  All  sexual 
selection  (gyneclexis)  is  based  on  it,  and  we  saw  how 
early  this  began  to  transform  the  male  element,  to 
mold  it  into  forms  and  to  adorn  it  with  hues  that 
charmed  the  female.  This  faculty  has  passed  through 
three  stages,  each  a  step  higher  than  the  preceding. 
These  may  be  called  respectively  the  receptive,  the 
imaginative,  and  the  creative.  The  first  of  these  is 
passive,  while  the  other  two  are  active  in  different 
ways.  Between  the  passive  stage  and  the  imagina- 
tive stage  there  intervenes  another  psychic  faculty 
which  is  not  generally  connected  with  the  aesthetic, 
but  which  can  be  shown  to  be  the  natural  and  neces- 
sary prelude  and  condition  to  imagination.  This 
latter  is  a  comparatively  high  stage  in  aesthetic  devel- 
opment and  does  not  probably  appear  as  an  animal 
attribute   at  all,  but  only  as  an  exclusively  human 

1  Nietzsche,  Genealogy  of  morals  ;  Small,  Significance  of  sociology 
for  ethics. 


The  Esthetic  Forces  143 

attribute.  The  animal  faculty  corresponding  to  it 
and  directly  leading  into  it  is  imitation.  Imitation 
is  itself  a  very  high  animal  attribute.  It  probably 
has  its  germs  in  some  of  the  lower  vertebrates,  pos- 
sibly in  insects,  but  makes  its  first  marked  appear- 
ance in  birds,  notably  in  parrots,  mocking-birds,  and 
birds  related  to  these.  It  is  faint  or  wanting  in  many 
mammals,  but  comes  forth  in  its  fullest  developments 
in  the  apes. 

172.  But  the  bird,  the  ape,  the  animal,  gets  no  far-  imitation 
ther  than  this.     If  any  animal  has  the  rudiments  of  and  . 

J  imagination 

imagination,  it  does  not  and  cannot  express  them  so 
that  man  can  recognize  that  faculty.  The  ape  imitates 
that  which  it  sees.  It  never  puts  two  things  together 
to  form  a  third  thing  which  has  no  objective  existence. 
This  would  be  imagination.  Imagination  is  essen- 
tially creative,  and  by  calling  the  third  stage  creative 
it  was  not  intended  to  deny  this.  Imagination  can 
only  work  with  the  materials  in  consciousness,  but  it 
can  dispose  these  at  will  and  is  not  restricted  to  deal- 
ing with  them  in  the  form  in  which  it  finds  them.  It 
makes  ideals  out  of  these  reals  by  a  grouping  of  its 
own.     It  thus  creates. 

173.  The  creative  stage  in  the  development  of  the  Art. 
aesthetic  faculty  is  that  in  which  ideals  are  embodied  in 
visible  form  so  as  to  be  cognizable  by  others  besides 
the  one  who  imagines  them.    It  is  art.    This  is  a  much 
later  stage,  but  until  it  is  reached  the  aesthetic  faculty 

as  a  transforming  agent  is  chiefly  a  biotic  force  and 
works  through  selection  and  heredity.  Now  it  be- 
comes a  social  force  and  begins  to  exert  its  influence 
upon  social  structures.     Ideals  are  realized  and   be- 


144  The  Sociogenetic  Forces 

come  aesthetic  creations.  Such  creations  are  among 
the  most  important  of  human  achievements.  We  have 
seen  that  imitation  preceded  imagination,  and  imagi- 
nation preceded  creation.  Now  the  earliest  art  was 
the  most  creative  and  the  least  imitative,  and  prog- 
ress in  art  has,  in  a  certain  sense,  been  in  the  direc- 
tion of  a  return  to  imitation.  In  the  beginning  the 
artificial  creations  of  man  differed  in  toto  from  any- 
thing real.  There  was  only  the  rudest  attempt  to 
imitate  nature.  Egyptian  and  Assyrian  art  and  the 
old  Chinese  and  Japanese  art  are  all  conventionalized, 
and  do  not  closely  resemble  the  objects  they  are 
intended  to  represent.  They  only  symbolize  them. 
There  must,  however,  necessarily  be  a  limit  to  this 
slavish  imitation  of  the  artificial,  and  this  was  accom- 
panied by  a  corresponding  tendency  toward  the  imi- 
tation of  the  natural,  until  at  last  in  Grecian  art  we 
have  works  of  art  that  are,  although  still  ideals,  never- 
theless "  true  to  nature,"  in  the  sense  that  every  part 
brought  together  to  form  a  whole  has  its  counterpart 
in  nature,  was,  indeed,  in  most  cases,  copied  from 
nature.  The  whole,  however,  was  unlike  any  whole 
in  nature,  and  consisted  of  the  best  parts  of  many 
wholes  combined  to  form  an  ideal  whole. 

174.  But  there  was  still  another  step,  or  series  of 
steps,  chiefly  in  the  same  direction.  The  sense  of 
the  beautiful  seems  at  first  to  have  been  limited  to 
what  may  in  general  be  called  symmetrical  forms. 
The  more  geometrically  perfect  they  were  the  more 
they  attracted  the  primitive  aesthetic  sense.  Hence 
we  find  that  savages  are  most  attracted  by  artificial 
objects,  such  as  beads,  buttons,  canes,  umbrellas,  and 


Modern  Art  145 

other  mechanically  wrought  products.  The  natural 
objects  first  to  appeal  to  man's  aesthetic  faculties  were 
such  as  the  rainbow,  and  the  sun  and  moon,  which 
present  a  shining  circular  disk.  A  very  distant  and 
symmetrical  mountain  might  also  appeal  to  them. 
Next  to  these  objects  came  animals,  trees,  and  flowers ; 
finally  the  rounded  human  body,  especially  the  female 
form,  came  to  be  counted  beautiful.  Art  had  scarcely 
gone  farther  than  this  with  the  ancient  Greeks,  and 
little  advance  was  made  down  to  the  renaissance. 
Landscape  painting  was  scarcely  known,  and  there 
is  no  evidence  that  nature  at  large  was  even  admired 
by  man.  The  present  love  of  "  scenery  "  is  very 
modern,  and  it  is  not  probable  that  even  the  Greeks 
could  have  appreciated  Switzerland.  As  Humboldt 
says,  early  man  did  not  love,  he  only  feared,  nature. 

175.  Now  the  modern  idea  of  the  beautiful,  as  Modem 
most  fully  expressed  in  the  heterogeneous  reduced 
to  order  by  perspective  and  rational  synthesis,  was 
an  added  faculty,  not  possessed  by  early  man  nor  by 
existing  savages,  and  the  development  of  this  faculty 
produced  a  complete  revolution  in  art,  immensely  in- 
creasing its  power  to  produce  human  enjoyment  and 
stimulate  activity.  It  also  tended  toward  the  imita- 
tion of  nature,  somewhat  at  the  expense  of  the  crea- 
tive faculty,  although  this  latter  still  has  a  wide  field 
for  its  exercise.  But  nature  in  the  large  —  scenery, 
landscape,  wood,  meadow,  stream,  hill,  mountain, 
lake,  sky,  cloud,  and  sea  —  is  so  intrinsically  beautiful 
that  it  is  the  highest  aim  of  the  artist  to  represent  it 
exactly  as  it  presents  itself. 

176.  It  has  been  said  that  art  is  non-progressive, 


idea  of  art 


146  The  Sociogenetic   Forces 

that  it  serves  no  useful  purpose  in  the  world,  that  it 
does  not  raise  the  moral  tone  of  society,  that  it  adds 
no  new  truth  to  man's  stock  of  knowledge,  that  it 
makes  man  no  more  comfortable,  no  better,  and  no 
wiser.  This  might  almost  be  true  without  constitut- 
ing an  argument  against  the  cultivation  of  the  aesthetic 
faculty.  Love  of  the  beautiful  and  its  pursuit  do  not 
claim  to  constitute  either  an  ontogenetic  or  a  phylo- 
genetic  force  in  society.  They  constitute  a  typical 
sociogenetic  force.  Art  is  a  socializing  agency.  It 
is  an  agency  of  civilization  as  distinguished  from  pres- 
ervation and  perpetuation.  It  is  not  a  necessity. 
Shall  we  call  it  a  luxury  ?  It  is  much  more.  In  a 
pain  economy  it  may  be  a  luxury,  but  above  that  it 
becomes  a  utility.  It  finally  becomes  a  spiritual 
necessity.  As  soon  as  the  class  of  wants  which  may 
be  distinguished  as  needs  are  satisfied,  this  spiritual 
want,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  is  planted  deep  in  the 
animal  nature,  at  once  asserts  itself,  and  the  satisfac- 
tion of  a  spiritual  want  is  as  important  as  that  of  a 
material  want.  It  serves  to  swell  the  volume  of  life. 
Men  have  aesthetic  interests  as  well  as  economic  inter- 
ests, and  their  claims  are  as  legitimate. 

177.  In  a  word,  the  aesthetic  sentiment  is  an  end  in 
itself.  Its  satisfaction  becomes  one  of  the  ends  of 
the  feeling  being.  The  very  word  czsthetic  means 
feeling.  The  enjoyment  of  life  consists  in  satisfying 
feelings.  So  long  as  feelings  can  be  satisfied,  the 
more  and  the  stronger  they  are,  the  greater  the 
volume  of  enjoyment.  So  long  as  desires  are  inno- 
cent, i.e.,  do  no  injury  to  the  individual  or  to  others, 
it  is  a  gain  even  to  create  them.     The  peculiarity  of 


of  art. 


Social  Value  of  Art  147 

art  is  that  it  creates  desire  in  order  to  satisfy  it.  This 
is  as  true  of  other  arts  as  it  is  of  music,  but  it  is  so 
obviously  true  of  music  that  Schopenhauer1  made 
that  an  art  entirely  distinct  from  all  the  rest,  the  pur- 
pose of  which,  he  claimed,  is  to  typify  and  represent 
all  the  passions  of  the  soul.  It  represents  the  will, 
which  is  ever  striving,  and  when  its  end  is  attained, 
striving  anew,  and  so  on  forever. 

178.  When  we  reflect  how  much  richer  human  life  social  value 
is  for  this  one  art,  we  can  form  some  idea  of  the 
sociogenetic  value  of  art  as  a  whole.  But  a  glance 
through  the  great  galleries  of  the  world  is  calculated 
to  impress  one  even  more  deeply  with  the  quantity 
of  achievement  in  those  far  older  arts,  notably  sculp- 
ture, while  for  architecture  one  needs  only  to  remain 
outside  and  admire  the  monumental  piles  that  adorn  all 
the  great  capitals  of  the  world  and  are  copied  again  and 
again  even  in  the  New  World  and  in  Australia.  The 
older  buildings  may  sometime  crumble  and  decay,  but 
the  different  styles  of  architecture  are  imperishable  and 
constitute  the  real  achievements.  Literature  is  prop- 
erly to  be  regarded  as  an  art.  It  was  action  before 
it  was  words,  poetry  before  it  was  prose,  rhythm 
before  it  was  rhyme,  and  aesthetic  before  it  was  prac- 
tical. In  fact  it  is  only  during  the  nineteenth  century 
that  its  function  as  an  aesthetic  end  was  to  any  con- 
siderable extent  subordinated  to  its  function  as  a 
means  of  conveying  thought. 

1  Die  Welt  ah  Wille  und  Vorstellung,  3aufl.,  Leipzig,  1 859,  volume  I, 
P-  307- 


148  The  Sociogenetic  Forces 


III.    The  Intellectual  Forces1 

179.  Throughout  the  long  series  of  psychic  phe- 
nomena that  are  produced  by  the  dynamic  agent,  we 
have  thus  far  been  dealing  only  with  those  psychic 
faculties  which  may  be  classed  under  the  head  of 
emotions  or  affections,  although  in  the  aesthetic  faculty 
we  saw  that  imagination  partakes  decidedly  of  the 
nature  of  an  intellectual  faculty,  and  also  that  sym- 
pathy was  only  possible  through  the  exercise  of  true 
reason.  Still  sympathy  itself  is  wholly  feeling,  and 
the  love  of  the  beautiful  is  also  a  feeling.  We  now 
rise  a  step  higher  toward  a  true  intellectual  opera- 
tion and  have  to  deal  with  an  affection  that  resides  in 
the  organ  of  thought  itself.  The  intellectual  affec- 
tion, emotion,  or  appetite  must  be  distinguished  from 
thought  itself.  The  truth  is  that  the  mind,  or,  if  any 
one  prefers,  the  brain,  has  an  interest  in  its  own 
operations,  and  the  exercise  of  the  intellectual  faculty 
is  attended  with  a  satisfaction  or  pleasure,  as  definite 
and  real  as  the  satisfaction  or  pleasure  attending  the 
exercise  of  any  other  faculty.  We  are  therefore  still 
dealing  with  feeling,  and  there  is  no  generic  distinc- 
tion between  intellectual  feeling  and  other  forms  of 
feeling.  The  mind  enjoys  the  work  it  does,  and  often 
undertakes  work  that  it  can  only  do  imperfectly, 
merely  because  it  is  "hard,"  and  requires  greater 
effort,  being  impelled  by  the  satisfaction  yielded  by 
this  effort. 

180.  The    mind   has  an  interest   chiefly  in  three 

1  Crozier,  History  of  intellectual  development,  volume  I. 


Knowledge  and  Truth  149 

things:  1,  to  acquire  knowledge;  2,  to  discover 
truth  ;  3,  to  impart  information.  The  interest  in  the 
acquisition  of  knowledge  is  perhaps  the  most  intense, 
and  partakes  more  exactly  of  the  nature  of  a  true 
appetite  than  either  of  the  others.  It  is  most  promi- 
nent in  the  young,  but  may  continue  through  life. 
Many  young  persons  at  a  certain  stage  in  their 
mental  and  physical  development,  usually  for  some 
years  after  the  age  of  puberty,  become  literally  hun- 
gry for  knowledge,  and  devour  everything  that  comes 
in  their  way.  At  first  they  are  almost  omnivorous, 
and  are  bent  on  storing  their  minds  with  everything 
that  they  did  not  know  before.  They  will  learn  any- 
thing, and  have  small  powers  of  discrimination.  Later 
on  they  begin  to  discriminate  for  themselves,  and 
many  almost  self-educated  men  have  succeeded  in 
organizing  their  knowledge  to  good  advantage.  But 
this  is  exceptional,  and  systematic  guidance  is  almost 
essential  to  any  real  success. 

181.  After  the  mind  has  become  thus  stored  with  (2)  Dis- 
knowledge  the  time  at  length  arrives  when  it  begins  tcovt!ry  of 
to  work  upon  its  own  materials.  The  psychologists 
tell  us  how  this  is  done.1  This  is  a  strictly  creative 
process.  By  ransacking,  as  it  were,  every  corner  of 
the  brain  certain  likenesses  are  discovered  between 
images  impressed  upon  different  areas,  or  cells,  or 
what  not,  and  these  are  confronted  and  scrutinized, 
and  their  relations  discovered.  Something  new  results, 
something  different  from  any  of  the  separate  items 
of  intelligence  that  had  been  acquired  during  the 
receptive   period.       It  may  have  no  resemblance  to 

1  James,  The  principles  of  psychology,  volume  I,  pp.  284  ff. 


150  The  Sociogenetic  Forces 

any  of  them,  yet  it  results  from  them.  It  is  a  rela- 
tion subsisting  between  two  or  more  of  them,  but  it  is 
real  and  definite,  and  constitutes  a  tertium  quid, 
created  by  the  brain's  own  activities.  The  mind 
knows  it,  so  that  it  is  an  additional  item  of  knowledge, 
but  it  did  not  come  directly  from  the  external  senses ; 
only  its  elements  thus  came.  If  the  original  knowl- 
edge acquired  directly  through  the  senses,  including 
that  kind  of  indirect  acquisition  that  comes  from  read- 
ing and  listening  to  others,  be  called  fact,  the  new 
kind  of  knowledge  created  out  of  this  by  the  mind 
itself  in  the  manner  described,  may  be  called  truth. 
interest  in  182.    The  creative  process  of  the  mind  is  attended, 

onrush0*™617  u^e  t^ie  receptive  process,  with  a  strong  interest  and 
an  intense  satisfaction,  and  constitutes  the  second 
step  in  the  act  of  generating  intellectual  energy. 
It  bears  less  resemblance  to  a  true  appetite  than  does 
the  first  process,  but  the  interest,  zeal,  and  enjoyment 
are  scarcely  less.  Indeed,  there  is  a  certain  depth 
and  volume  to  the  satisfaction  attending  the  discovery 
of  truth  that  has  no  parallel  in  the  mere  acquisition 
of  knowledge.  Knowledge  that  is  acquired  is  simply 
taken  from  the  common  stock  and  appropriated  by 
the  individual.  It  was  already  possessed  by  others, 
perhaps  by  thousands  or  millions  of  men.  But  a 
truth  excogitated  out  of  the  knowledge  thus  acquired 
may  not  be  known  to  any  one  else.  In  the  majority 
of  cases,  of  course,  the  same  truth  has  been  evolved 
by  other  minds  from  similar  materials,  but  the  dis- 
coverer does  not  usually  know  this,  and  at  least 
imagines  that  he  is  creating  something  wholly  new. 
This  interest  in  the  priority  of  discovery  is  exceed- 


Generalization  151 

ingly  strong  and  fascinating  and  becomes  the  chief 
spur  to  original  thought. 

183.  The  mind  of  a  well-informed  person  contains  a  Generaiiza 
large  store  of  facts  and  an  equally  large  store  of  truths,   tlon' 
i.e.,  logical  conclusions  from  facts.     It  uses  the  facts 

to  increase  the  number  of  truths  derived  from  both 
within  and  without.  But  it  does  not  stop  here.  The 
combining  of  truths  to  form  new  truths  is  as  legiti- 
mate a  process  of  the  mind  as  the  combining  of 
facts  to  form  truths.  Truths  derived  from  the  com- 
bination of  other  truths  become  truths  of  a  higher 
order.  The  fundamental  method  of  creative  nature, 
as  explained  in  Chapter  VI,  applies  to  the  operations 
of  mind  as  well  as  to  those  of  matter.  This,  as  we 
saw,  is  the  method  of  creating  units  of  higher  out  of 
those  of  lower  order  and  then  using  the  latter  as  new 
units  for  still  higher  creations.  This  process  of  re- 
compounding,  or  compound  aggregation,  which  under- 
lies all  creative  synthesis,  when  it  reaches  the 
intellectual  plane  is  called  generalization.  This  may 
be  carried  as  far  as  the  quality  of  the  mind  will  per- 
mit, and  the  power  of  generalization  constitutes  the 
best  measure  of  intellectual  power. 

Such  is  the  constructive  quality  of  the  intellect, 
the  most  important  of  all  the  faculties,  and  probably, 
when  comprehended  in  all  its  length  and  breadth,  the 
one  that  has  achieved  the  most,  and  contributed  the 
largest  additions  to  the  general  fact  which  is  com- 
monly understood  as  civilization. 

184.  We    have  now   dealt  with  the  receptive   or   (3)  imparta- 
acquisitive  interest  or  appetite  of  the  mind,  and  with  tlo"of  mfor~ 

^  l  L  mation. 

its  creative  or  constructive  interest.      It  remains  to 


152  The  Sociogenetic   Forces 

consider  what  may  be  called  its  transitive  or  repro- 
ductive aspect,  viz.,  the  interest  it  has  in  conveying 
its  acquisitions  and  constructions  to  other  minds.  It 
might  be  supposed  that  this  would  be  very  slight,  but 
such  is  not  the  case.  The  developed  human  intellect 
is  essentially  altruistic.  It  delights  in  sharing  its 
possessions  with  others.  This  is  largely  the  case 
with  simple  knowledge,  but  it  is  still  more  true  of 
ideas,  or  what  it  considers  to  be  truth.  At  the  end 
of  a  certain  period,  usually  continuing  some  time 
after  puberty,  sometimes  till  the  age  of  twenty  or 
later,  during  which  the  mind  becomes  stored  with  a 
large  amount  of  information,  a  desire  gradually 
springs  up  to  communicate  a  portion  of  this  informa- 
tion to  others,  who,  from  their  youth  or  from  defec- 
tive opportunities,  are  clearly  seen  to  be  wanting  in 
most  of  it.  This  desire  takes  various  forms.  All  that 
can  be  done  by  converse  with  others  is  accomplished 
in  this  way.  Systematic  instruction  is  often  vol- 
unteered and  offered  gratuitously.  The  teacher's 
profession  may  be  chosen,  or  a  professional  chair 
in  some  institution  may  be  sought  and  obtained. 
More  rarely  public  lecturing  is  resorted  to.  But 
when  all  these  means  fail,  there  always  remains 
one  other,  viz.,  authorship.  The  history  of  ideas,  of 
science,  and  of  human  achievement  in  general,  shows 
that  the  greatest  sacrifices  have  been  continually 
made  in  order  to  propagate  thought,  to  diffuse  knowl- 
edge, to  promulgate  truth,  and  to  advance  science. 
Such  employments  are  rarely  remunerative,  they  are 
often  made  avocations  in  the  enforced  leisure  of  busy 
professional  life.     They  are  sometimes    pursued   in 


The  Savage   Mind  153 

the  face  of  poverty  and  want.  This  intellectual 
altruism  is  thus  preeminently  social,  and  the  results 
are  socializing  and  sociogenetic. 

185.  The  intellectual   forces    constitute  the  latest  The  savage 
manifestation  of  the  dynamic  agent.     No  one  of  the  mm  ' 
three  forms  of  interest  that  we  have  considered  exists 

in  the  mind  of  the  savage.  He  has  no  appetite  for 
knowledge.  The  earliest  aspect  of  this  is  curiosity  or 
wonder,  and  it  has  been  repeatedly  observed  by  trav- 
ellers that  savages  evince  no  curiosity  even  at  what 
must  be  to  them  the  strangest  phenomena.  The  true 
explanation  of  the  absence  of  curiosity,  wonder,  and  all 
interest  in  or  desire  for  knowledge  among  savages 
and  inferior  races  generally,  is  that  their  brains  have 
not  developed  to  the  receptive  or  acquisitive  point. 
Its  cells  are  comparatively  coarse.  If  the  neurons 
could  be  examined  and  compared  with  those  of  a 
highly  civilized  person,  there  is  no  doubt  that  great 
differences  would  be  found. 

186.  This  brings  us  to  the  question  of  the  genesis  The  leisure 
of  the  higher  attributes  of  the  mind.     That  the  brain  c  ass" 
has  been  developing  throughout  all  the  early  stages 

of  man's  history  is  altogether  probable,  since  it  must 
have  developed  during  the  prehuman  stage  until  that 
particular  creature  ceased  to  be  an  animal  confined  to  a 
definite  area  like  other  animals,  and  acquired  suffi- 
cient control  over  his  environment  to  adapt  it  to  his 
needs.  What  may  be  called  social  differentiation 
began  here.  Various  phases  were  passed  through, 
the  patriarchate  was  established,  and  finally  the  era 
of  social  integration  was  reached.  There  were 
probably  gains   all    through,    but  an    entirely   new 


154  The  Sociogenetic  Forces 

impulse  was  given  to  brain  development  with  the 
advent  of  social  amalgamation  through  conquest,  sub- 
jugation, and  the  prolonged  equilibration  that  fol- 
lowed. Of  all  the  social  structures  wrought  by  this 
process  the  one  that  counted  most  effectively  in  ac- 
celerating brain  development  and  intellectual  refine- 
ment was  the  establishment  of  a  system  of  caste. 
For  with  caste  came  the  leisure  class,  and  without  a 
leisure  class  it  would  seem  next  to  impossible  at  that 
stage  of  human  history  for  any  considerable  intel- 
lectual advance  to  have  been  made.  In  the  leisure 
class  the  struggle  for  existence  is  eliminated.  The  so- 
called  physical  wants  are  supplied,  and  there  remains 
necessarily  a  large  surplus  of  psychic  energy  demand- 
ing an  opportunity  to  expend  itself.  With  each 
successive  assimilation  fresh  vigor  is  infused  into 
society  ;  the  qualities  acquired  through  leisure  are 
diffused  at  least  through  the  privileged  classes,  and 
filter  down  into  the  less  favored  ranks,  and  leaven  the 
whole.  The  ruling  class,  the  priesthood,  the  nobility, 
and  a  growing  bourgeoisie,  all  free  themselves  from 
the  thralls  of  want  and  join  the  forces  of  civilization. 
At  the  expense,  it  is  true,  of  the  "  toiling  millions  " 
these  favored  ones  develop  physically  and  mentally. 
But,  other  things  being  equal,  not  only  will  a  sound 
body  contain  a  sane  mind,  but  under  these  circum- 
stances, the  mind  will  develop  more  rapidly  than  the 
body,  and  there  will  ultimately  be  much  greater  men- 
tal than  physical  difference  between  the  upper  and 
the  lower  classes. 
Democracy.  187.  Unjust  and  almost  diabolical  as  this  method 
seems,  it  is  the  method  of  nature  the  world  over,  in 


Democracy  155 

the  organic  as  well  as  in  the  social  world.  We  have 
only  to  recognize  the  fact  and  endeavor  through  it  to 
explain  the  results  attained.  With  the  rise  of  indus- 
trialism and  in  the  multitudinous  vicissitudes  of  human 
history,  but  chiefly,  after  all,  in  consequence  of  the 
enlightenment  brought  about  through  the  intellectual 
activities  of  the  favored  classes,  a  great  levelling  up 
of  mankind  began  in  historic  races  some  eight  cen- 
turies ago  which  has  continued  to  the  present  time, 
greatly  accelerated  during  the  last  two  centuries  and 
especially  during  the  last  half  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, whereby  class  distinctions  have  been  in  great 
part  broken  down  and  the  qualities,  both  physical 
and  mental,  of  the  higher  types  of  men  have  been 
transfused  throughout  all  classes.  It  is  costing 
the  world  something  to  assimilate  such  a  mass,  and 
to  some  there  may  seem  to  be  a  lowering  of  the  tone 
of  former  days ;  but  what  is  lost  in  diffusion  is  more 
than  made  up  in  the  wider  field  offered  for  selection, 
so  that  it  is  even  doubtful  whether  the  maximum 
result  has  suffered  any  reduction. 

188.  A  few  words  may  now  be  said  in  regard  to  Place  of 
the  place  of  religion  in  any  study  of  the  development  [^1°" '"l 
of  human  thought.      Primitive  man  is  not  troubled  development 
about  the  causes  of  the  facts  of  everyday  experience, 
but  unbeknown  to  himself,  he  reaches   the  scientific 
conception  of    uniformity  and    invariability  in    this 
restricted    field.     As  soon   as  he  begins    to    reason 
about  phenomena,  i.e.,  to  draw  inferences  from  the 
facts  of  observation,   his  data    being    insufficient  to 
enable  him  to  draw  the  correct  conclusion,  he  conse- 
quently draws  an  erroneous  one.     When  we  reflect 


156  The  Sociogenetic   Forces 

that  it  has  required  ages  of  exhaustive  scientific  in- 
vestigation to  enable  us  to  reason  correctly  about  the 
causes  of  such  everyday  phenomena  as  an  echo,  a 
shadow,  or  a  reflection  in  a  pool  of  water,  we  can 
readily  see  how  impossible  it  must  be  for  primitive 
man  to  reach  the  solution  of  the  recondite  problems 
that  nature  constantly  thrusts  upon  him.  But  the 
fact  that  he  tries  to  solve  these  problems,  is  just 
what  stamps  him  as  a  superior  being.  This  act  of 
his  is  the  beginning  of  philosophy,  and  the  study  of 
the  philosophy  of  primitive  man  constitutes  legiti- 
mate data  for  sociology.  Primitive  philosophy  is 
always  anthropomorphic.  A  phenomenon,  from  its 
very  name,  is  a  change,  a  transformation,  an  activity. 
But  the  only  being  the  primitive  man  knows  to  pos- 
sess the  power  of  spontaneous  activity  is  himself,  and 
he  naturally  imputes  to  every  other  change  the  same 
power.  It  is  not  necessary  to  trace  the  steps  from 
this  primordial  stage  to  a  full-fledged  mythology,  but 
mythology  constitutes  the  philosophy  of  all  unde- 
veloped races.  Out  of  mythology  grows  religion, 
which  is  essentially  a  product  of  man's  rational 
faculties  applied  to  transcendental  questions.  It  is 
primarily  and  fundamentally  rational.  It  had  its 
origin  in  an  effort  of  the  reason.  No  being  without 
a  well-developed  reason  is  capable  of  conceiving  of 
a  religious  idea.  It  is,  in  fact,  one  of  the  great 
branches  of  philosophy,  and  the  history  of  religion 
is  in  great  part  the  history  of  human  thought.  At 
every  stage  it  constitutes  most  important  data  for 
the  science  of  sociology. 

189.    Religion  in  other  words  is  reason  applied  to 


Religion  and   Reason  157 

life.  Those  who  flippantly  contend  that  a  religious  Kidd'sSocial 
condition  argues  feeble  intellectual  powers  make  an  ev0  u  ton' 
immense  mistake.  But  this  view  is  by  no  means 
confined  to  the  opponents  of  religion.  It  is  clearly 
implied  or  openly  expressed  by  many  who  strongly 
defend  it.  The  latest  of  this  class  of  philosophers 
is  perhaps  Mr.  Benjamin  Kidd.  In  his  Social 
evolution  he  makes  religion  the  mainspring  of 
human  progress  and  charges  the  reason  with  anti- 
social and  antiprogressive  tendencies.  Whatever 
there  may  be  true  in  his  book,  and  its  tone  is  gen- 
erally healthy,  it  is  not  true,  as  he  maintains,  that 
religion  and  reason  are  opposed,  or  that  religion  pro- 
ceeds from  an  unreasoning,  or  as  he  expresses  it, 
an  "  ultra-rational  "  sanction.  Religion  is  rational 
through  and  through.  It  is  not  to  be  compared  to 
an  instinct,  such  as  both  animals  and  men  possess, 
adapted  to  produce  such  automatic  activities  as  re- 
sult in  the  safety  and  healthy  development  of  races. 
On  the  contrary,  it  often  and  usually  impels  man 
to  do  just  those  things  which  his  instincts  and  his 
natural  propensities  would  never  dictate.  It  coun- 
teracts the  animal  nature  of  man,  and  is  one  of 
those  things  which  distinctively  mark  him  off  from 
the  animal  world.  It  could  be  easily  shown  that 
this  is  precisely  the  role  that  reason  plays  every- 
where, and  it  is  the  failure  to  perceive  this  that 
has  led  many  political  economists  and  others  into 
the  gravest  of  errors  in  philosophizing    about  man. 

190.    Religion  has  its  very  origin  in  reason.     No   Religion  and 
animal  has  developed  even  the  rudiments  of  a  reli- 
gion.    It  is  an  exclusively  human  institution,  much 


science. 


158  The  Sociogenetic  Forces 

more  so  than  society.  It  is  the  product  of  thought ; 
an  attempt  to  explain  the  universe.  In  this,  its  pri- 
mary quality,  it  does  not  differ  in  the  least  from 
science,  and  no  true  philosopher  can  doubt  that  these 
two  great  human  movements,  starting  out  from 
the  same  base,  will  eventually  arrive  at  the  same 
goal.1 

REFERENCES   TO   WARDS   OTHER   WORKS 

Dynamic  sociology.  Topics  in  Index,  volume  II:  Advantage; 
Esthetic;  Altruism  ;  Art ;  Code  ;  Cosmopolitan  ;  Christianity ; 
Intellect;  Intellectual;  Intelligence;  Monism;  Moral  —  Morals; 
Music ;  Non-producers  ;  Religion  ;  Religious  systems  ;  Sym- 
pathy ;  Theology ;  Truth. 

Psychic  factors.  Chapter  XVII.  Index:  Art;  Character; 
Esthetic  ;  Ethical ;  Ethics  ;  Moral ;  Truth. 

Pure  sociology.     Chapter  XV. 

Articles.  The  essential  nature  of  religion ;  Ethical  aspects  of 
social  science. 

1  Balfour,  The  foundations  of  belief;     White,  Warfare  of  science 
with  theology. 


PART    III 

ACTION    OF    THE    SOCIAL    FORCES 
IN    THE   SPONTANEOUS   DEVEL- 
OPMENT   OF   SOCIETY 

CHAPTER  XII 

SOCIAL    STATICS 

igi.   Social  mechanics.      192.     Classification.       193.    The    dynamic 
agent. 

I.  The  Principle  of  Synergy.  —  194.  Definition.  195.  Cosmic  dual- 
ism. 196.  Effects  of  cosmic  dualism  in  the  social  world.  197. 
True  nature  of  synergy.  198.  Illustrated  by  artificial  structures. 
199.  Synergy  in  the  formation  of  organic  structures.  200.  Struc- 
ture and  function  contrasted.  201.  Structure  and  function  statical. 
202.    Social  structures.     203.    Struggle  for  structure. 

II.  The  Social  Order.  —  204.  Definition.  205.  Human  institutions. 
206.  Primary  and  secondary  institutions:  207.  Marriage.  208. 
Religion.  209.  Law.  210.  Morality.  211.  Political  institutions. 
212.    Language.       213.    The  nature  of  social  structures. 

191.  Mechanics  is  that  branch  of  mathematics  Social 
which  treats  of  the  effects  of  forces  as  exhibited  in  mechanlcs- 
the  production  of  motion  or  rest.  In  text-books  the 
production  of  rest  is  treated  before  the  production  of 
motion,  the  state  of  rest  being  due  to  an  equilibrium 
of  forces.  This  department  is  called  statics,  and  the 
department  which  treats  of  forces  not  in  equilibrium, 
and  therefore  producing  motion,  is  called  dynamics. 

i59 


160  Social  Statics 

The  principles  of  mechanics  are  in  their  fundamental 
aspects  very  simple,  and  the  science  is  one  of  the 
most  fascinating  in  the  whole  range  of  mathematics. 
Is  there  a  science  of  social  mechanics  ?  The  essential 
condition  of  such  a  science  is  the  existence  of  true  nat- 
ural forces  in  society  that  can  be  depended  upon  to 
produce  effects  with  the  same  certainty  and  exactness 
as  do  physical  forces.  The  dynamic  agent  already 
explained  furnishes  the  sociologist  with  all  that  he 
requires  from  this  point  of  view.  It  is  true  that  the 
complex  phenomena  of  society  make  it  necessary  as 
yet  to  confine  the  attempt  to  treat  sociology  as  an 
exact  science  to  its  most  general  aspects,  but  so  long 
as  this  limitation  is  rigidly  respected  it  is  possible  so 
to  treat  it,  and  the  result  becomes  of  the  highest 
value.  It  is  essential  therefore  to  insist  from  the  out- 
set and  throughout,  that  sociology  is  a  domain  of 
forces  and  susceptible  of  such  treatment  as  fast  as, 
and  to  the  extent  that,  the  action  of  those  forces  is 
thoroughly  understood.  It  must  be  understood,  how- 
ever, that  social  mechanics  is  not  sociology  as  a  whole, 
but  is  a  subscience  of  the  science  of  sociology.  It  is 
that  branch  of  sociology  which  deals  with  the  action 
of  the  social  forces.  It  relates  to  the  dynamic  agent 
only,  not  to  the  directive  agent,  and  belongs  more- 
over exclusively  to  pure  sociology. 

192.  The  fundamental  classification  of  mechanics, 
as  we  saw,  is  into  statics  and  dynamics.  We  thus 
perceive  that  the  mechanics  of  society  naturally 
falls  under  the  two  general  groups  of  social  statics 
and  social  dynamics,  the  one  defined  as  social  forces 
in  equilibrium,  and  the  other  as  social  forces  produc- 


Cosmic  Principle  of  Synergy  161 

ing  movement  and  change.  It  will  now  be  in  order 
for  us  in  this  and  the  three  following  chapters  to  con- 
sider carefully  these  two  important  divisions  of 
sociology. 

193.  The    dynamic    agent    is   a   powerful   agent.  The  dynamic 
There  is  no  lack  of  power  for  propelling  the  social  agent' 
machinery,  for  social  energy  surges  through  society 

in  all  directions.  The  innate  interests  of  men 
work  at  cross  purposes ;  they  conflict,  collide,  and 
dash  against  one  another,  but  in  such  an  unorganized, 
haphazard,  and  chaotic  way  that  they  do  not  produce 
equilibrium,  but  mutual  ruin.  The  dynamic  agent, 
like  any  other  cosmic  force,  is  centrifugal,  catabolic, 
destructive.  If  there  was  no  way  of  curbing  or  har- 
nessing the  social  energy,  there  would  be  nothing  but 
destruction  —  no  construction.  We  must,  then,  take 
up  the  general  problem  of  restraining  social  energy. 
As,  however,  the  actual  process  that  has  gone  on  in 
society  has  done  so  under  the  operation  of  a  truly 
cosmic  or  universal  principle,  it  cannot  be  adequately 
understood  without  first  understanding  its  simpler 
manifestations  in  nature  at  large. 

I.    The  Principle  of  Synergy 

194.  There  is  a  universal  principle,  operating  in   Definition, 
every  department  of   nature  and  at  every  stage  in 
evolution,  which  is  conservative,   creative,  and  con- 
structive.    The  word  synergy  seems  best  adapted  to 
express  its  twofold  character  of  energy  and  mutuality, 

or  the  systematic  and  organic  working  together  of  the 
antithetical  forces  of  nature.  The  third  and  equally 
essential  and  invariable  quality  of  creation  or  con- 


l62 


Social   Statics 


Effects  of 
cosmic  dual- 
ism in  the 
social  world. 


struction  is  still  lacking  in  the  name  chosen,  unless 
we  assume  that  work  implies  some  product,  to  dis- 
tinguish it  from  simple  activity.  Synergy  is  a  syn- 
thesis of  work,  or  synthetic  work,  and  this  is  what 
is  everywhere  taking  place. 

195.  The  name  monism  has  come  into  use  as  the 
short  and  economical  designation  of  the  great  truth 
that  there  is  a  unitary  principle  running  through  all 
nature.  Second  only  in  importance,  if  not  of  equal 
importance,  to  the  truth  of  cosmic  unity  is  the 
fact  of  universal  polarity.  The  universe  is  polar- 
ized throughout.  Every  force  meets  with  resist- 
ance, otherwise  there  could  be  no  energy.  Universal 
conflict  reigns.  But  for  this  conflict  evolution  would 
be  impossible.  The  forces  of  nature  are  being  per- 
petually restrained.  If  centrifugal  forces  were  not 
constrained  by  centripetal  forces,  the  very  orbs  of 
space  would  fly  from  their  orbits  and  follow  tan- 
gents, i.e.,  straight  lines.  Not  only  do  the  centrifugal 
and  centripetal  forces  engage  in  this  struggle,  but  we 
also  see  contending  on  a  gigantic  scale  the  gravitant 
and  radiant  forces.  We  see  attraction  and  repulsion, 
concentration  and  dissipation,  condensation  and  dis- 
solution. Though  these  are  all  equally  modes  of 
manifestation  of  the  universal  force,  they  are  never- 
theless, by  the  force  of  circumstances,  pitted  against 
one  another  in  ubiquitous  conflict.1 

196.  We  have  now  to  consider  some  of  the  effects 
of  this  cosmic  dualism.  Collision  produces  deflection, 
constraint,  and  transfer  of  motion,  resulting  in  in- 
creased intensive  activity  at  the  expense  of  extensive 

1  Tarde,  Uopposition  universelle. 


Cosmic   Dualism  163 

activity.  Everywhere  we  have  heightened  intensity, 
increased  energy,  and  more  work.  It  is  a  process  of 
securing  constantly  greater  and  greater  cosmic  effi- 
ciency. In  the  social  world  the  same  principle  is 
manifest.  We  shall  find  that  it  also  is  a  theater  of 
intense  activity,  and  that  competing  and  antagonistic 
agencies  are  fiercely  contending  for  the  mastery.  The 
complete  domination  of  any  one  set  of  these  forces 
would  prevent  the  formation  of  society.  Here  as 
everywhere  any  single  force,  acting  without  opposi- 
tion or  deflection,  would  be  destructive  of  all  the 
order  attained.  Only  through  the  joint  action  of 
many  forces,  each  striving  for  the  mastery,  but 
checked  and  constrained  by  the  rest  and  forced  to 
yield  its  share  in  conforming  to  the  general  principle, 
can  any  structure  result. 

197.  The  true  nature  of  the  universal  principle  of  True  nature 
synergy  pervading  all  nature  and  creating  all  the  °  synersy- 
different  kinds  of  structure  that  we  observe  to  exist, 
must  now  be  made  clearer.  Primarily  and  essentially 
it  is  a  process  of  equilibration,  i.e.,  the  several  forces 
are  first  brought  into  a  state  of  partial  equilibrium. 
It  begins  in  collision,  conflict,  antagonism,  and  oppo- 
sition, and  then  we  have  the  milder  phases  of  antith- 
esis, competition,  and  interaction,  passing  next  into 
a  modus  vivendi,  or  compromise,  and  ending  in  col- 
laboration and  cooperation.  Synergy  is  the  princi- 
ple that  explains  all  organization  and  creates  all 
structures.  The  products  of  cosmic  synergy  are 
found  in  all  fields  of  phenomena.  Celestial  structures 
are  worlds  and  world  systems;  chemical  structures 
are  atoms,   molecules,  and  substances;  biotic  struc- 


164  Social  Statics 

tures  are  protoplasm,  cells,  tissues,  organs,  and  organ- 
isms. There  are  also  psychic  structures  —  feelings, 
emotions,  passions,  volitions,  perceptions,  cognitions, 
memory,  imagination,  reason,  thought,  and  all  the 
acts  of  consciousness.  And  then  there  are  social 
structures,  the  nature  of  which  is  shortly  to  be  ex- 
plained. These  are  the  products  of  the  social  forces 
acting  under  the  principle  of  social  synergy, 
illustrated  by  198.  An  illustration  may  throw  additional  light  on 
structures  tne  exact  nature  of  the  principle  of  synergy.  For 
example,  a  mechanism  is  something  constructed.  It 
may  therefore  be  called  a  structure.  As  it  is  artifi- 
cial, it  is  an  artificial  structure.  The  inventor  or 
constructor  of  any  mechanism,  no  matter  how  simple, 
virtually  recognizes  the  law  of  the  conservation  of 
energy.  He  assumes  that  the  quantity  of  motion  is 
unchangeable.  He  has  no  idea  of  the  possibility  of 
increasing  or  diminishing  the  sum  total  of  force. 
But  he  also  recognizes  the  further  truth  that  the 
particular  manner  in  which  forces  act  is  indefinitely 
variable,  i.e.,  that  the  direction,  velocity,  etc.,  are  mat- 
ters of  indifference,  and  will  depend  upon  the  amount 
and  kind  of  resistance  with  which  bodies  meet.  In 
other  words,  while  he  realizes  that  the  quantity  of 
motion  is  constant,  he  perceives  that  the  mode  of 
motion  is  variable.  This  enables  him  artificially  to 
modify  natural  phenomena,  to  direct  and  control  them. 
Synergy  in  199.    So  likewise  the  principle  of  synergy  may  be 

the  formation  seen  m  ^Q  formation  of  organic  structures.     These 

of  organic  ° 

structures.  complex  structures  furnish  more  of  the  elements  that 
the  sociologist  must  use  and  show  the  true  nature  of 
organization.      For  here  we  have  true  organs,  and  all 


Organic  Structures  165 

the  structures  are  more  or  less  fully  integrated.  In  the 
organic  world  the  primary  contending  forces  are  those 
of  heredity  and  variation.  Heredity  may  be  regarded 
as  that  tendency  in  life  to  continue  in  existence  what- 
ever has  been  brought  into  existence.  That  is,  it 
obeys  the  first  law  of  motion  and  causes  motion  in  a 
straight  line  unless  deflected  by  another  force.  This, 
if  allowed  to  go  on  uninfluenced,  would  simply  result 
in  perpetually  increasing  the  quantity  of  life  without 
affecting  its  quality.  But  in  the  domain  of  vital  force, 
in  consequence  of  the  multiplicity  of  objects  in  nature, 
there  is  necessarily  constant  collision,  constant  oppo- 
sition, constant  contact  with  other  forces  from  all 
conceivable  directions.  These  constitute  the  resist- 
ance of  the  environment.  Heredity  pushes  through 
all  this  as  best  it  can,  striving  to  pursue  the  straight 
path  on  which  it  started,  but  as  it  is  only  one  of  the 
many  forces  involved  in  the  contest,  it  obeys  all  the 
other  laws  of  motion  and  is  checked,  deflected, 
shunted,  buffeted  this  way  and  that,  and  compelled 
to  pursue  a  very  irregular  path. 

The  impinging  forces  of  the  environment  cause 
constant  deviation  from  the  specific  type,  i.e.,  varia- 
tion. The  organism  must  therefore  conform  to  the 
mold  established  for  it  by  its  environment,  which 
requires  modification  in  the  specific  type.  The  pro- 
cess of  compelling  the  organism  to  undergo  these 
transformations  and  secure  this  conformity  is  what  in 
modern  biological  language  is  called  adaptation.  But 
as  the  environment  is  infinitely  varied  and  the  num- 
ber of  possible  conditions  to  which  organisms  may  be 
adapted  is  infinite,  the  effect  is  to  differentiate  the  one 


i66 


Social   Statics 


Structure 
and  function 
contrasted. 


Structure 
and  function 
statical. 


original  hypothetical  form  which  heredity  would  per- 
petuate unchanged  into  an  unlimited  number  of  dif- 
ferent forms.  The  resistance  of  the  environment, 
therefore,  so  far  from  offering  an  obstacle  to  life, 
is  of  the  highest  advantage,  and  has  made  the  exist- 
ing multiplicity  of  organic  forms  possible.  All  of 
which  brings  clearly  to  view  the  extraordinary  crea- 
tive and  constructive  character  of  organic   synergy. 

200.  It  is  in  the  organic  world  that  we  can  best 
begin  the  study  of  function.  But  for  the  function, 
organic  structures  would  be  worthless.  The  struc- 
tures are  only  means.  Function  is  the  end.  All 
natural  structures  are  developed  along  with  their 
functions,  which  may  be  regarded  in  a  sense  as 
the  cause  of  the  structures.  The  effort  of  nature 
to  accomplish  its  ends  results  in  material  means 
capable  of  accomplishing  them,  and  such  means 
are  structures. 

201.  Such  being  the  relations  of  structure  and 
function,  and  as  all  considerations  of  structure  are 
statical,  it  is  evident  that  all  considerations  of  func- 
tion must  also  be  statical.  The  functions  of  nutrition 
and  reproduction  go  on  during  the  entire  life  of  an 
organism  without  producing  any  organic  change  of 
structure.  Function  simply  as  such  has  no  effect 
whatever  in  modifying  structure.  Not  only  are  nutri- 
tion, reproduction,  and  all  the  so-called  vegetative 
functions  statical,  where  they  simply  preserve  the 
life  of  the  individual  and  of  the  species,  but  they  do 
not  cease  to  be  statical  when  by  excess  of  function 
they  increase  the  quantity  of  life  through  growth  and 
multiplication  of  the  same  unaltered  types  of  struc- 


Social  Structures  167 

ture.  Size  and  number  do  not  alter  the  conditions 
in  this  respect.  There  are  some  animals  whose  size 
seems  to  depend  mainly  on  age  and  environment. 
This  is  notably  the  case  with  certain  fishes.  We 
may  even  go  further  and  maintain  that  simple  per- 
fectionment  of  structure  is  statical  so  long  as  it  does 
not  involve  the  least  change  in  the  nature  of  the 
structure.  Here  the  distinction  becomes  fine,  but  it 
can  be  successfully  maintained  by  noting  in  any 
given  case  whether  the  principle  on  which  the  struc- 
ture works  is  or  is  not  altered.  To  illustrate  in  the 
case  of  artificial  structures  or  mechanisms,  as,  for 
example,  inventions.  If  a  man  were  to  invent  a 
machine  and  make  a  rough  model,  too  imperfect  to 
work,  he  might  obtain  a  patent.  In  such  a  case  if 
another  man  were  to  present  a  model  of  the  same 
machine,  but  much  more  exactly  made,  so  that  the 
model  itself  would  work,  he  could  not  obtain  a  patent 
for  an  improvement  simply  on  the  ground  that  his 
model  was  better  made.  There  must  be  some  change 
in  the  principle,  however  slight,  to  entitle  him  to  a 
patent  for  an  improvement.  It  is  precisely  this  dis- 
tinction that  separates  the  dynamic  from  the  statical, 
whether  in  artificial  or  natural  structures. 

202.  We  now  come  to  social  structures,  for  the  Social 
better  understanding  of  which  only,  other  structures 
have  been  considered.  If  one  has  grasped  the  gen- 
eral principle  on  which  all  structures  whatever  are 
formed,  it  is  easy  to  pass  from  organic  to  social 
structures.  The  principle  is  the  same,  and  the  only 
difference  is  in  the  forces.  Social  structures  are  the 
products  of  social  synergy,  i.e.,  of  the  interaction  of 


structures. 


1 68  Social  Statics 

different  social  forces,  all  of  which,  in  and  of  them- 
selves, are  destructive,  but  whose  combined  effect, 
mutually  checking,  constraining,  and  equilibrating 
one  another,  is  to  produce  structures.  The  entire 
drift  is  toward  economy,  conservatism,  and  the  pre- 
vention of  waste.  Social  structures  are  mechanisms 
for  the  production  of  results,  and  the  results  cannot 
be  secured  without  them.  They  are  reservoirs  of 
power.  A  dynamo  generates  electricity  from  the 
electrical  conditions  that  surround  it.  Those  condi- 
tions were  there  before  the  dynamo  was  built,  but 
they  produced  none  of  the  effects  that  the  dynamo 
produces.  They  may  be  described  as  so  much  power 
running  to  waste.  The  dynamo  simply  saves  and 
husbands  this  power  for  man's  use.  It  is  exactly 
the  same  with  every  true  natural  structure, 
struggle  for  203.  Social  equilibration  under  the  principle  of 
social  synergy,  while  it  involves  a  perpetual  and 
vigorous  struggle  among  the  antagonistic  social 
forces,  still  works  out  social  structures  and  conserves 
them,  and  these  structures  perform  their  prescribed 
functions.  Upon  the  perfection  of  these  structures 
and  the  consequent  success  with  which  they  perform 
their  functions  depends  the  degree  of  social  effi- 
ciency. In  the  organic  world  the  struggle  has  the 
appearance  of  a  struggle  for  existence.  The  weaker 
species  go  to  the  wall  and  the  stronger  persist. 
There  is  a  constant  elimination  of  the  defective  and 
survival  of  the  fittest.  On  the  social  plane  it  is  the 
same,  and  weak  races  succumb  in  the  struggle  while 
strong  races  persist.  But  in  both  cases  it  is  the  best 
structures  that   survive.     The  struggle   is   therefore 


structure. 


The  Social  Order  169 

raised  above  the  question  of  individuals  or  even  of 
species,  races,  and  societies,  and  becomes  a  question 
of  the  fittest  structures.  We  may  therefore  qualify 
Darwin's  severe  formula  of  the  struggle  for  existence 
and  look  upon  the  whole  panorama  rather  as  a  strug- 
gle for  structure. 

II.    The  Social  Order 

204.  The  social  mechanism  taken  as  a  whole  con-  Definition 
stitutes  the  social  order.  Order  is  the  product  of 
organization.  Social  synergy,  like  all  other  forms 
of  synergy,  is  essentially  constructive.  Social  statics 
may  therefore  be  called  constructive  sociology. 
Without  structure,  organization,  order,  no  efficient 
work  can  be  performed.  Organization  as  it  develops 
to  higher  and  higher  grades  simply  increases  the 
working  efficiency  of  society.  To  see  how  this  takes 
place  we  have  only  to  contrast  the  efficiency  of  an 
army  with  that  of  a  mob,  assuming  that  both  are 
striving  to  accomplish  the  same  object.  Social 
statics  is  that  subdivision  of  social  mechanics,  or 
that  branch  of  sociology,  which  deals  with  the  social 
order.  The  social  order  is  made  up  of  social  struc- 
tures, and  is  complete  in  proportion  as  those  struc- 
tures are  integrated,  while  it  is  high  in  proportion 
as  those  structures  are  differentiated  and  multiplied 
and  still  perfectly  integrated,  or  reduced  to  a  com- 
pletely subordinated  and  coordinated  system.  This 
branch  of  sociology  will  therefore  deal  chiefly  with 
social  structures  and  their  functions,  with  their  origin 
and    nature,    their    relations   of    subordination    and 


170 


Social  Statics 


Human 
institutions. 


Primary  and 

secondary 

institutions. 


coordination,  and  with  the  final  product  of  the  entire 
process,  which  is  society  itself. 

205.  The  most  general  and  appropriate  name  for 
social  structures  is  human  institutions.  It  should  be 
stated  at  the  outset  that  structures  are  not  necessarily 
material  objects.  None  of  the  psychic  structures  are 
such,  and  social  structures  may  or  may  not  be  mate- 
rial. Human  institutions  are  all  the  means  that  have 
come  into  existence  for  the  control  and  utilization  of 
the  social  energy.  Attention  has  already  been  called 
to  the  group  sentiment  of  safety^  the  most  funda- 
mental of  all  human  institutions.  Out  of  it  have 
certainly  emerged  one  after  another,  religion,  law, 
morals  (in  its  primitive  and  proper  sense  based  on 
mos,  or  custom),  and  all  ceremonial,  ecclesiastical, 
juridical,  and  political  institutions.  But  there  are 
other  human  institutions  almost  as  primitive  and 
essential,  such  as  language,  art,  and  industry,  that 
may  have  a  different  root,  while  the  phylogeny  of 
thousands  of  the  later  derivative  institutions  may  still 
be  difficult  to  trace. 

206.  A  closer  examination  of  human  institutions 
reveals  the  fact  that  they  are  not  all  quite  alike  even 
in  their  general  character.  We  have  already  seen 
that  some  are  material  and  others  immaterial,  but 
even  this  is  not  as  fundamental  or  as  essential  a  clas- 
sification as  another.  This  might  be  called  the  dis- 
tinction between  natural  and  artificial,  or  between 
spontaneous  and  factitious  institutions,  although 
really  one  class  is  as  natural  as  the  other,  and  both 
are    partly    spontaneous    and    partly    factitious.      In 

1  See  chapter  VII,  paragraph  82. 


Human   Institutions  171 

many  cases,  however,  there  are  two  cognate  institu- 
tions, one  of  which  belongs  to  one  class  and  the  other 
to  the  other.  In  such  cases  the  natural  or  sponta- 
neous one  seems  older  or  more  primitive,  and  the 
artificial  or  factitious  one  is  in  a  sense  an  outgrowth 
from  the  first.  The  one  class  might  therefore  be 
called  primary  and  the  other  secondary.  From  still 
another  point  of  view  the  secondary  institutions  may 
be  regarded  as  products  or  functions  of  the  primary 
ones.  A  few  examples  will  show  both  the  real  dis- 
tinction between  these  classes  and  also  the  difficulty 
in  finding  terms  capable  of  clearly  characterizing  the 
distinction. 

207.  If,  for  example,  we  take  the  institution   of  Marriage, 
marriage,  giving  the  term  all  the  breadth  necessary 

to  embrace  all  stages  of  human  development,  —  the 
customary  relations  of  the  sexes,  —  we  perceive  that 
there  grows  out  of  it  or  depends  upon  it  the  institu- 
tion called  the  family,  by  which  we  need  not,  any 
more  than  in  the  case  of  marriage,  understand  any  of 
the  developed  forms,  but  simply  the  customary  way 
of  raising  children  and  the  relations  among  kindred 
generally. 

208.  If  we  consider  religion  as  an  institution,  even  Religion, 
the  simple  form  of  it  called  the  group  sentiment  of 
safety,  we  shall  see  that  out  of  it  there  grew  a  system 

of  enforcing  conduct  conducive  to  race  safety  and  of 
punishing  conduct  opposed  to  race  safety.  This  is 
the  beginning  of  both  ceremonial  and  ecclesiastical 
institutions  as  defined  by  Spencer.  In  its  later  aspects 
it  becomes  the  church,  and  just  as  Spencer  expands 
the  term  ecclesiastical  to  cover  these  early  forms,  so 


iy2  Social  Statics 

we  may  expand  the  word  church  still  further  until  it 
becomes  correct  and  intelligible  to  say  that  the  church 
is  that  secondary  or  derivative  institution  which  reli- 
gion, as  a  primary  and  original  institution,  made 
necessary  and  virtually  created. 

209.  Let  us  next  take  law,  which  is  closely  allied  to 
religion,  or  is  at  least  a  branch,  coordinate  with  the 
latter,  of  the  still  earlier  and  as  yet  wholly  undiffer- 
entiated group  sentiment  of  safety.  Law  in  its 
simplest  expression  is  merely  a  sentiment  like  religion. 
It  may  be  called  the  sense  of  order  in  society.  But 
out  of  it  grew  or  developed  the  whole  system  of 
jurisprudence,  which  is  therefore  a  derivative  institu- 
tion, and  law  bears  the  same  relation  to  the  court  that 
religion  bears  to  the  church. 

210.  Morality  in  its  earliest  stages  was  also  a 
branch  of  the  group  sentiment  of  safety,  and  was 
coordinate  with  religion  and  law.  At  their  base  all 
these  three  are  perfectly  blended  and  inseparable. 
There  was  very  little  altruism  in  primitive  morality. 
There  was  the  parental  instinct  that  exists  in  animals, 
and  there  soon  came  to  be  an  attachment  to  kindred 
generally,  which  can  scarcely  be  detected  below  the 
human  plane.  This  sentiment  expanded  pari  passu 
with  the  expanding  group  until  the  end  of  the  primi- 
tive peaceful  stage  of  social  development.  But  it  was 
always  a  blood  bond,  and  the  sole  basis  of  adhesion 
was  that  of  real  or  fictitious  kinship.  In  fact  this 
"ethical  dualism"1  lasted  much  longer,  and  will  not 
have  entirely  disappeared  until  all  race  prejudices  and 
national  animosities  shall  cease.     But  morality  within 

1  Ross,  Social  control,  p.  72. 


Language  173 

these  narrow  bounds,  the  germ  of  all  ethical  concep- 
tions, was  one  of  the  primordial  human  institutions. 
It  was  essentially  social,  and  had  sociability  as  its 
central  idea.  Now  to  what  secondary  institution, 
corresponding  to  the  church  and  the  court,  did  this 
primary  institution  give  rise  ?  Why,  to  the  moral  code, 
to  be  sure.  The  ethical  code  of  all  races,  peoples, 
and  nations,  with  the  whole  mass  of  rules,  precepts, 
and  customs  that  attend  it,  constitutes  a  derivative  and 
factitious  institution,  growing  primarily  out  of  the 
blood  bond. 

211.  Political  institutions  have  a  later  origin,  but  Political  in- 
we  may  mention  as  a  case  in  point  the  institution  of  stltutlons- 
government  in  the  abstract,  as  the  spontaneous  condi- 
tion which  required  and  ultimately  produced  the  state. 

As  this  will  soon  come  up  for  fuller  treatment  it  need 
not  be  more  than  noted  here  among  the  correlative 
institutions. 

212.  Language  is  among   the  earliest   of    human  Language, 
institutions,    and    was    certainly    spontaneous.       By 
language  is  meant  the  power  of  rational  intercommuni- 
cation, which  is  an  exclusively  human  institution.     It 

is  much  broader  than  oral  speech,  and  includes  sign 
and  gesture  language.  Language  was  a  product  of 
intelligence  and  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  perfection 
of  the  vocal  organs.  For  without  a  certain  amount 
of  intelligence  man  would  be  incapable  of  language. 
No  animal,  no  matter  how  perfect  its  vocal  organs, 
could  possess  language  without  this  minimum  of 
rational  power.  Conversely,  any  animal  endowed 
with  it  would  inevitably  develop  language,  and  this 
irrespective  of  its  anatomical  adaptation.     Just  as  the 


174  Social  Statics 

grammar  of  animals  consists  wholly  of  interjections, 
so  the  earliest  human  speech  consisted  of  interjections 
and  nouns.  The  other  parts  of  speech,  all  of  which 
indicate  relations,  came  later,  and  the  verb  was  one 
of  the  latest  to  appear.  Language  is  thus  obviously 
a  purely  natural  product,  the  result  of  a  struggle  on 
the  part  of  men  to  understand  one  another.  It  is 
spontaneous  and  original.  We  have  then  to  inquire 
what  is  the  corresponding  secondary,  derivative,  and 
more  or  less  consciously  developed  institution  to  which 
language  gave  birth.  It  consists  in  any  means  for 
broadening  the  influence  of  language.  Simple  lan- 
guage, whether  based  on  sound  or  sight,  availed  only 
between  persons  in  close  proximity  with  one  another 
and  only  for  present  time.  The  next  problem  was  to 
communicate  at  a  distance  and  to  make  a  record  for 
future  time.  Both  these  ends  were  secured  by  the 
same  general  device.  We  cannot  now  go  into  the 
history  of  written  language  through  the  stages  of 
pictography,  hieroglyphics,  alphabets,  symbolic  writ- 
ing and  printing.  It  has  been  written  over  and  over 
again,  and  all  that  remains  to  do  is  to  point  out  that 
literature,  giving  the  term  its  fullest  breadth,  is  the 
normal  functional  outgrowth  of  language,  the  institu- 
tion that  was  naturally  built  upon  it  as  its  base. 

213.  This  rapid  and  imperfect  sketch  of  human 
institutions,  or  rather  of  a  few  of  the  principal  ones, 
will  afford  an  idea  of  the  nature  of  social  structures. 
They  are  all  the  result  of  some  form  of  struggle 
among  the  social  forces,  whereby  the  centrifugal  and 
destructive  character  of  each  force  acting  alone  is 
neutralized  and  each  is  made  to  contribute  to  the 


Interrelation  of  Structures  175 

constructive  work  of  society.  The  structures  once 
created  become  reservoirs  of  power,  and  it  is  through 
them  alone  that  all  the  work  of  society  is  performed. 
All  these  structures  are  interrelated,  and  the  perform- 
ance of  their  functions  brings  them  into  contact  or 
even  conflict  with  one  another.  This  mild  struggle 
among  social  structures  has  the  same  effect  as  other 
struggles,  and  leads  to  general  social  organization. 
The  final  result  is  the  social  order,  or  society  itself 
as  an  organized  whole  —  a  vast  magazine  of  social 
energy  stored  for  use  by  human  institutions. 

REFERENCES  TO  WARD'S  OTHER  WORKS 

Dynamic  sociology.      Topics    in    Index,   volume   II:    Dualism; 

Institutions;  Order;  Organization. 
Psychic  factors.     Index  :  Institutions. 
Outlines  of  sociology .     Chapter  VIII. 
Pure  sociology.     Chapters  IX  and  X,  pp.  169-193. 
Articles.     Evolution  of  social  structures.      Static  and  dynamic 

sociology. 


CHAPTER   XIII 

SOCIAL    STATICS    {Continued) 

III.  Social  Assimilation.  —  214.  Original  heterogeneity.  215.  Causes 
of  heterogeneity.  216.  Imitation  and  invention.  217.  Expansion. 
218.  Social  differentiation.  219.  The  horde.  220.  The  golden 
age.  221.  Its  duration.  222.  Social  integration.  223.  Process 
of  integration.  224.  The  struggle  of  races.  225.  Conquest  and 
subjugation. 

IV.  Social  Karyokinesis.  —  226.  The  stages  in  amalgamation  :  227. 
(1)  Caste.  228.  (2)  Inequality.  229.  (3)  Law.  230.  (4)  The 
juridical  state.  231.  (5)  Formation  of  a  people:  232.  Interest 
unites.  233.  Other  influences.  234.  Social  chemistry.  235.  (6) 
The  nation. 

V.  Compound  Assimilation.  —  236.  Compound  races.  237.  The 
lower  races. 

VI.  238.    Pacific  Assimilation. 

III.    Social  Assimilation  1 

214.  The  expression  social  assimilation  implies 
original  heterogeneity.  However  similar  primitive 
races  may  seem  to  civilized  men,  they  themselves 
recognize  the  greatest  dissimilarity.  Each  race  looks 
upon  all  others  as  utterly  unlike  itself,  and  usually 
there  exists  among  different  races  the  most  profound 
mutual  contempt.  Whenever  two  races  are  brought 
into  contact,  it  usually  means  war.  If  we  go  back  in 
thought  to  a  time  anterior  to  all  historic  records,  to  a 

1  See  in  Bibliography  under  the  names  Gumplowicz,  Ratzenhofer, 
Simmel,  Tarde,  Simons,  Novicow. 

176 


hetero- 
geneity. 


Social  Assimilation  177 

time  before  any  of  the  early  civilizations  existed, 
before  the  Chinese,  Indian,  Chaldean,  Assyrian,  Baby- 
lonian, or  Egyptian  periods,  and  attempt  to  picture  to 
ourselves  the  condition  of  the  world  of  that  day,  while 
we  may  admit  that  very  little  is  known  of  it,  no  one 
will  deny  that  great  areas  of  the  earth's  surface  were 
already  occupied  by  men.  There  existed  at  that  time 
a  great  number  of  entirely  different  races,  tribes, 
groups,  clans,  and  hordes,  each  striving  to  maintain 
an  existence.  Whatever  differences  of  opinion  may 
exist  in  respect  of  other  matters,  all  agree  as  to  this 
primitive  multiplicity  and  heterogeneity  of  mankind. 

215.  It  is  with  regard  to  the  cause  of  this  hetero-  Causes  of 
geneity  that  opinions  chiefly  differ.  The  simplest 
and  most  naive  explanation  is  that  all  these  different 
races  of  men  represent  so  many  separate  and  distinct 
creations,  the  so-called  state  of  polygenism.  As  a 
matter  of  fact  the  question  of  polygenism  or  mo- 
nogenism  is  simply  a  biological,  not  a  sociological 
question.  The  sociologist  has  nothing  to  do  with 
the  origin  of  man.  The  heterogeneous  condition 
of  the  human  race  as  far  back  as  concerns  him  is 
easily  accounted  for  without  any  such  violent  assump- 
tions. It  is  fully  explained  on  the  simple  assumption 
of  the  animal  origin  of  man,  which  is  now  accepted 
by  the  great  majority  of  both  biologists  and  anthro- 
pologists. 

216.  In  animal  life  the  first  manifestation  of  a  grow-  imitation 
ing  brain  is  excessive  mimicry,  i.e.,  the  special  faculty 
of  imitation.     The  next  step  after  this  power  of  imi- 
tation is  the  simplest  manifestations  of  the  inventive 
faculty.     The  least  manifestation  of  this  power  would 


and  inven- 
tion. 


178  Social  Statics 

be  such  an  immense  advantage  in  the  struggle  for 
existence  that  natural  selection  would  bring  about  the 
rest.  For  the  least  power  over  the  environment,  such 
as  a  slight  development  of  the  inventive  faculty  would 
give,  checks  the  eliminating  influence  of  the  environ- 
ment, and  permits  the  reproductive  power  to  expand 
to  another  and  much  higher  stage.  The  faunal 
barriers  are  broken  over  and  the  species  expands 
territorially,  and  consequently  increases  in  numbers 
proportionally  to  the  area  occupied.  The  difference 
would  be  fully  as  great  between  such  a  species  and 
other  species  as  is  that  between  civilized  and  uncivil- 
ized races  to-day.  The  power  to  wield  a  club  in  bat- 
tle, many  times  increasing  the  efficiency  of  the  naked 
hands  ;  the  foresight  to  lay  up  stores  for  the  future ; 
the  art  of  skinning  animals  and  wrapping  the  skins 
around  the  body  for  protection ;  the  wit  to  dig  a  hole 
in  a  bank  of  clay  and  crawl  in  and  out ;  and  from 
this  on  to  the  stage  of  building  fire,  of  making  tools 
and  weapons,  and  of  providing  more  adequate  cloth- 
ing and  shelter,  and  the  still  higher  stage  of  simplest 
tillage,  and  the  domestication  and  use  of  animals  — 
such  are  some  of  the  early  steps  by  which  the  in- 
choate, intuitive  reason  of  the  creature  that  was  ulti- 
mately to  dominate  the  earth  must  have  won  its  first 
victories  over  nature. 
Expansion.  217.    These    steps    once    taken,    everything    else 

would  follow  as  a  matter  of  course.  The  faunal 
boundaries  once  broken  over,  the  expansion,  due  to 
diminished  checks  to  reproduction,  would  be  in  all 
directions.  In  a  very  short  time  the  geographical 
extremes  would  represent  great  distances,  and  all  con- 


ferentiation. 


Social   Differentiation  179 

tact  with  the  parent  stock  would  cease.  Differences 
in  the  environment  would  alone  account  for  all  the 
differences  that  exist  among  the  races  of  men. 
After  the  different  stocks  had  lost  all  trace  or  recol- 
lection of  one  another,  an  accidental  encounter  be- 
tween two  hordes  would  lead  to  conflict.  While 
between  a  human  horde  and  the  wild  animals  among 
which  it  lived  there  would  be  only  fear  or  perhaps 
affection,  between  one  human  horde  and  another  there 
would  be  both  fear  and  hatred.  Hence  collisions, 
conflicts,  and  wars  would  begin  even  thus  early  in 
the  history  of  a  race  destined  to  people  and  trans- 
form the  earth. 

218.  Assuming  the  animal  origin  of  man  as  estab-  Social  dif- 
lished  by  the  labors  of  Darwin,  Huxley,  Haeckel,  and 
many  other  biologists  of  the  highest  rank,  the  next 
problem  is  to  explain  the  origin  and  genesis  of 
human  society.  We  have  already  seen  how  the 
one  differential  attribute  —  incipient  reason  —  re- 
moved the  chief  barrier  to  indefinite  expansion 
and  enabled  that  most  favored  race  to  overspread 
the  globe.  But  this  transition  was  attended  with 
a  large  number  of  other  modifications,  some  of 
them  physical,  others  social.  It  was  during  this 
period  that  the  principal  steps  toward  the  erect 
posture  were  taken.  It  was  also  at  this  time  that  the 
transition  took  place  from  a  purely  herbivorous  and 
f rugivorous  to  a  largely  carnivorous  life.  These  were 
profound  anatomical  and  physiological  modifications, 
but  not  difficult  to  account  for  as  the  necessary  result 
of  continued  brain  development.  From  the  socio- 
logical point  of  view  the  origin  of  the  family,  which 


180  Social  Statics 

also  occurred  during  this  period,  is  even  more  signifi- 
cant. Among  animals  the  mother,  at  least,  often 
knows  her  young,  and  with  apes  there  is  probably  a 
somewhat  general  recognition  of  the  nearest  kinship 
relations.  With  primitive  man  this  was  carried  fur- 
ther, and  the  members  of  the  kinship  group  came  to 
be  closely  cemented  together  into  what  may  be 
called  the  family.  When  the  family  or  kinship  group 
becomes  so  large  that  it  cannot  longer  hold  together, 
it  breaks  up  in  various  ways  and  scatters,  resulting  in 
numerous  families  or  kinship  groups.  As  we  have 
seen,  there  could  be  no  special  first  family  or  first 
pair  because  it  is  one  long  and  slow  development  out 
of  the  animal  state,  but  a  primitive  family  or  kinship 
group,  taken  in  the  abstract,  may  be  regarded  as  a 
homogeneous  and  as  yet  undifferentiated  unit.  The 
name  horde  is  loosely  applied  by  ethnologists  to 
something  similar  to  this,  and  Durkheim  has  not  in- 
appropriately called  this  "  social  protoplasm."  1 
The  horde.  219.    Complete    separation  into  hordes  represents 

the  lowest  and  simplest  form  of  group  life,  just  above 
the  animal  stage,  but  differing  from  any  form  of 
gregariousness  in  animals  in  the  more  or  less  rational 
recognition  of  consanguineal  relationship.  It  was 
during  this  long  maternal,  or  matriarchal,  period  that 
language  was  formed ;  but  as  hordes  scattered  them- 
selves over  vast  areas,  and  lost  all  memory  of  one 
another  and  of  their  ancestry,  each  group  developed 
a  different  language.  At  the  same  time  customs, 
ceremonies,  and  religious  rites  and  practices  grew  up, 

1  De   la  division  du  travail  social,  par   Emile    Durkheim,    Paris, 
1893,  P-  l89- 


The  Golden  Age  1 8 1 

and  these,  too,  would  differ  widely  for  each  group. 
The  enlargement  of  the  groups  was  a  function  of  the 
developing  intellect,  but  there  was  a  limit  beyond 
which  it  could  not  go.  The  sole  basis  of  group 
adhesion  was  kinship,  and  for  everything  not  recog- 
nized as  akin,  there  was  no  attachment,  but  intense 
aversion.  Such  a  state  of  things  can  scarcely  be 
called  society,  and  yet  it  contained  all  the  germs  of 
future  society.  This  was  the  stage  of  differentiation. 
The  primitive  social  protoplasm  was  beginning  to 
work  itself  up  into  multiform  shapes  and  to  pervade 
all  lands.  It  is  easy  to  see  that  there  was  no  lack  of 
heterogeneity.  Although  the  groups  all  had  the 
same  general  pattern,  they  soon  came  to  differ  in 
all  their  details.  Their  languages  were  different, 
their  customs  varied  within  certain  limits,  their  cults 
were  all  different,  their  fetishes,  totems,  gods,  all 
bore  different  names.  Only  a  philosopher  looking  at 
them  from  the  highest  standpoint  could  see  any  simi- 
larity among  them.  They  themselves  saw  nothing 
common,  and  regarded  one  another  with  detestation. 

220.  This  period  of  social  differentiation  repre-  The  golden 
sents  that  idyllic  stage  of  comparative  peace  and  com- 
fort to  which  ethnologists  sometimes  refer  as  preced- 
ing the  era  of  strife  and  war  between  more  developed 
races.  In  all  probability  the  pre-human  animal  was 
a  denizen  of  some  tropical  clime,  and  many  facts 
point  to  southern  Asia  as  the  region  which  saw  the 
dawn  of  the  human  race.  Nothing  more  definite 
than  this  can  be  said  with  any  confidence,  and  even 
this  is  not  certain.  But  that  it  was  somewhere  in 
the  tropics  of  the  Old  World  seems  a  tolerably  safe 


age. 


182 


Social  Statics 


Its  duration. 


Social  inte- 
gration. 


assumption.  Here  amid  natural  abundance  and 
under  friendly  skies,  living  like  animals,  but  with 
sufficient  intelligence  to  outwit  and  evade  the  larger 
carnivores,  capable  of  so  far  modifying  the  environ- 
ment as  to  escape  the  fate  of  other  species  that  over- 
step the  habitat  to  which  they  have  become  adapted, 
inchoate  man  could  reproduce  with  great  rapidity, 
and  a  sufficient  number  of  those  born  could  live  to 
the  age  of  maturity  to  cause  an  increase  of  popula- 
tion in  a  geometrical  progression.  Collision  could  be 
avoided  by  migration,  and  peace  prolonged  during  a 
great  period. 

221.  The  duration  of  this  idyllic  period  depended 
principally  on  position.  Those  who  wandered  far 
could  maintain  their  independence  of  others  much 
longer  than  those  who  clung  to  the  immediate  center 
of  dispersion.  Certain  races  that  worked  off  farther 
and  farther  into  remote  regions  or  even  islands,  re- 
mained wholly  unmolested  and  continued  their  simple, 
half-animal  existence,  unchanged  by  contact  with  other 
races.  Some  such  exist  to-day,  and  it  is  from  their 
study  that  we  gain  an  insight  into  this  truly  primi- 
tive life  of  man.  But  those  who  did  not  migrate  far 
came  sooner  into  contact  with  others  on  account  of 
the  rapidly  increasing  numbers  of  men  in  all  the 
groups.  It  was  therefore  in  these  regions  that  social 
differentiation  ceased  first,  and  the  succeeding  stages 
of  human  history  earliest  supervened  upon  the  one 
described.1 

222.  Prolonged  as  may  have  been  the  era  of  social 
differentiation,  with  its  halcyon  days  and  wild,  semi- 

1  Morgan,  Ancient  society. 


Social   Integration  183 

animal  freedom,  it  could  not  in  the  nature  of  things 
always  last,  and  as  already  remarked,  its  close  came 
much  earlier  in  the  general  region  from  which  the 
human  race  originally  swarmed  forth  to  people  the 
whole  earth.  Here  the  different  races,  now  fully 
formed,  and  having  lost  all  trace  or  tradition  of  any 
common  origin,  and  acquired  different  languages,  cus- 
toms, arts,  cults,  and  religions,  first  began  to  encroach 
upon  one  another,  and  finally  more  or  less  to  crowd 
and  jostle  together.  Regarding  one  another  as  so 
many  totally  different  orders  of  beings,  every  race 
became  the  bitter  enemy  of  every  other,  and  there- 
fore on  the  approach  of  one  race  toward  another 
there  was  no  course  open  but  that  of  war.  The 
proximity  of  hostile  races  was  a  powerful  spur  to 
invention,  attention  being  chiefly  turned  to  the  pro- 
duction of  the  means  of  offense  and  defense.  Suc- 
cess in  war  depended  then,  as  it  does  to-day,  on  the 
mechanical  superiority  of  the  instruments  of  warfare, 
far  more  than  on  personal  prowess.  A  warlike  spirit 
developed,  and  ambitious  chiefs  began  to  vie  with 
each  other  for  the  mastery. 

223.  At  first  sight  this  might  seem  to  have  nothing  Process  of 
to  do  with  social  integration.  We  are  now  to  inquire  mtesratlon 
by  what  process  and  according  to  what  principle 
this  was  accomplished.  At  the  very  outset  it  is 
important  to  note  that  this  principle  is  none  other 
than  that  by  which  all  organization  takes  place,  viz., 
synergy.  We  have  the  antagonistic  forces  at  work 
here  as  everywhere,  and  we  shall  see  that  the  entire 
process  is  identical  with  that  which  formed  star  sys- 
tems,   chemical    systems,    and    organic   forms.      We 


184 


Social   Statics 


The  struggle 
of  races. 


Conquest 
and  sub- 
jugation. 


shall  see  all  the  steps  in  this  process,  and  in  many 
respects  social  phenomena  are  not  only  more  clear 
and  patent  than  are  other  classes  of  phenomena,  but 
they  actually  illuminate  the  latter,  and  give  us  a 
firmer  grasp  of  the  exact  workings  of  this  principle 
on  the  lower  planes. 

224.  Gumplowicz  and  Ratzenhofer  have  abun- 
dantly and  admirably  proved  that  the  genesis  of 
society,  as  we  see  it  and  know  it,  has  been  through 
the  struggle  of  races.  This  masterly  presentation 
is  without  any  question  the  most  important  contribu- 
tion thus  far  made  to  the  science  of  sociology.  We 
at  last  have  a  true  key  to  the  solution  of  the  question 
of  the  origin  of  society.  It  is  not  all,  but  it  is  the 
foundation  of  the  whole,  and  is  the  only  scientific 
explanation  that  has  been  offered  of  the  facts  and 
phenomena  of  human  history.  It  proceeds  from  a 
true  natural  principle  which  is  applicable  to  man 
everywhere,  and  which  is  in  harmony  with  all  the 
facts  of  ethnology  and  anthropology.  Finally,  this 
principle  proves  to  be  a  universal  one,  and  is  the  one 
on  which  are  also  explained  all  other  natural  phe- 
nomena ;  for  the  struggle  of  races  is  simple  and 
typical  social  synergy  and  is  the  particular  way  in 
which  synergy  as  a  cosmic  principle  operates  in  the 
social  world. 

225.  The  first  step  in  the  struggle  of  races  is  that 
of  the  conquest  of  one  race  by  another.  If  one  race 
has  devised  superior  weapons  or  has  greater  strategic 
abilities  than  the  other,  it  will  triumph  and  become  a 
conquering  race.  The  other  race  drops  into  the  posi- 
tion of  a  conquered  race.     At  the  lowest  stages  of 


Social   Karyokinesis  185 

this  process  there  was  practical  extermination  of  the 
conquered  race.  The  lowest  savages  are  mostly 
cannibals.  After  the  carnivorous  habit  had  been 
formed  the  eating  of  human  flesh  was  a  natural  con- 
sequence of  the  struggle  of  races.  The  most  primi- 
tive wars  were  scarcely  more  than  hunts,  in  which 
man  was  the  mutual  game  of  both  contending  parties. 
But  at  a  later  and  higher  stage  head-hunting,  can- 
nibalism, and  the  extermination  of  the  conquered 
race,  were  gradually  replaced  by  different  forms  of 
slavery.  Success  in  conquering  weaker  races  tended 
to  develop  predatory  or  military  races,  and  the  art 
of  organizing  armies  received  special  attention.  Such 
armies  were  at  length  used  to  make  war  on  remote 
races,  who  were  thus  conquered  and  held  under 
strong  military  power.  Here  the  conquered  would 
so  greatly  outnumber  the  conquering  that  extermina- 
tion would  be  impracticable.  The  practice  was  then 
to  preserve  the  conquered  race  and  make  it  tributary 
to  the  wealth  of  the  conquering  race.  Prisoners  of 
war  were  enslaved,  but  the  mass  of  the  people  was 
allowed  to  pay  tribute. 

IV.    Social  Karyokinesis 

lib.  Ratzenhofer  compares  this  race  amalgama-  The  stages 
tion  to  conjugation  in  biology,  and  says  that  hordes  nation  ga~ 
and  clans  multiply  by  division.  There  certainly  is 
a  remarkable  "  analogy  "  between  the  process  called 
karyokinesis  in  biology  and  that  which  goes  on  in 
societies  formed  by  the  conquest  of  a  weaker  by 
a  stronger  race.  This  process  has  been  fully  de- 
scribed and  illustrated  by  both  Gumplowicz  and  Rat- 


1 86  Social  Statics 

zenhofer,  and  they  not  only  agree  as  to  what  the 
successive  steps  are,  but  also  as  to  the  order  in  which 
they  uniformly  take  place.  The  following  are  these 
steps  arranged  in  their  natural  order,  after  subjuga- 
tion has  taken  place.  I.  Origin  of  caste.  2.  Gradual 
mitigation  of  this  condition,  leaving  a  state  of  great 
individual,  social,  and  political  inequality.  3.  Sub- 
stitution for  purely  military  subjection  of  a  form  of 
law,  and  origin  of  the  idea  of  legal  right.  4.  Origin 
of  the  state,  under  which  all  classes  have  both  rights 
and  duties.  5.  Cementing  of  the  mass  of  hetero- 
geneous elements  into  a  more  or  less  homogeneous 
people.  6.  Rise  and  development  of  a  sentiment  of 
patriotism  and  formation  of  a  nation. 

Caste.  227.    By  conquest  two  different  races  are  brought 

into  close  contact,  but  they  are  so  unlike  that  no  as- 
similation is  possible.  None  is  desired  or  attempted. 
The  society,  if  it  can  be  called  such,  is  polarized. 
The  conquering  race  looks  down  with  contempt  upon 
the  conquered  race  and  in  various  ways  reduces  its 
members  to  servitude.  The  conquered  race  main- 
tains its  race  hatred,  and  while  sullenly  submitting  to 
the  inevitable,  refuses  to  recognize  anything  but  the 
superiority  of  brute  force.  This  was  the  origin  of 
caste,  and  the  two  mutually  antagonistic  and  defiant 
races  represent  the  opposite  poles  of  the  social  spin- 
dle. History  shows  how  difficult  it  is  to  eradicate 
completely  the  spirit  of  caste. 

inequal-  228.  The  inequality  of  the  two  races  is,  however, 
something  more  than  an  inequality  of  rank.  The 
races  were  primarily  {i.e.,  before  the  conquest) 
thoroughly    heterogeneous.      They    spoke    different 


The  Social  Process  187 

languages,  worshiped  different  gods,  practiced  dif- 
ferent rites,  performed  different  ceremonies,  possessed 
different  customs,  habits,  and  institutions,  and  the 
conquered  race  would  die  sooner  than  surrender  any 
of  these.  The  conquering  race  professed  absolute 
contempt  for  all  these  qualities  in  their  subjects,  but 
were  powerless  to  transform  them  into  their  own. 

229.  The    difficulty,  cost,   and   partial    failure  at-   (3)  Law- 
tending   the    constant    and    unremitting  exercise  of 
military  power   over  all   the  acts  of    the   conquered 

race  becomes  a  serious  charge  upon  the  conquering 
race.  For  a  while,  flush  with  the  pride  of  victory, 
this  race  persists  in  meting  out  punishments  to  all 
offenders  against  its  authority,  but  sooner  or  later 
such  personal  government  grows  wearisome,  and 
some  change  is  demanded.  It  is  found  that  authority 
may  be  generalized,  and  that  rules  can  be  adopted 
for  the  repression  of  certain  classes  of  acts,  such  as 
are  most  frequently  committed.  When  this  is  found 
to  be  economical,  still  larger  groups  of  conduct  are 
made  the  subject  of  general  regulation.  By  the  con- 
tinued extension  of  this  economical  policy  a  general 
system  of  such  rules  is  ultimately,  though  gradually, 
worked  out,  and  the  foundation  is  laid  for  a  govern- 
ment by  law.  So  long  as  the  law  is  not  violated  a 
certain  degree  of  liberty  is  conceded  to  the  subor- 
dinate race,  and  the  performance  of  acts  not  in  viola- 
tion of  law  comes  to  be  recognized  as  a  right. 

230.  There  are  always   great  natural    differences  (4)Thejurid- 
in  men.     In  a  conquered  race  such  individual  differ-  lca 
ences  are  likely  to  make  themselves  felt.      The  as- 
sumption all  along  is  that  the  races  considered  are 


1 88  Social  Statics 

not  primarily  widely  unlike.  The  issue  of  battle 
depends  only  to  a  small  extent  on  real  differences  of 
mind  or  character.  It  may  be  merely  accidental,  or 
due  to  the  neglect  of  the  conquered  race  to  cultivate 
the  arts  of  war.  In  all  other  respects  it  may  be  even 
superior  to  the  conquering  race.  The  latter  there- 
fore often  has  to  do  with  its  social  equals  in  every- 
thing pertaining  to  the  life  of  either  group.  The 
difficulty  of  enforcing  law  in  a  community  constituted 
as  we  have  described  must  be  apparent.  With  such 
an  intense  internal  polarization  of  interests,  the  con- 
quering race  would  find  it  difficult  or  impossible  to 
frame  laws  to  suit  all  cases.  It  could  not  understand 
the  conquered  race  definitely  enough  to  be  successful 
even  in  securing  its  own  interests.  In  a  word,  the 
conquering  race  needs'  the  assistance  of  the  con- 
quered race  in  framing  and  carrying  out  measures  of 
public  policy.  This  it  is  never  difficult  to  secure. 
A  large  number  of  the  members  of  the  subject  race 
always  sooner  or  later  accept  the  situation  and  are 
willing  to  help  in  establishing  and  maintaining  order. 
The  only  basis  of  such  order  is  the  creation  of  cor- 
relative rights  and  duties  under  the  law.  This  can 
only  be  secured  through  concessions  on  the  part  of 
the  master  race  to  the  subject  race  and  the  enlist- 
ment of  the  best  elements  of  the  latter  in  the  work 
of  social  reorganization.  This,  in  fact,  is  what  is 
sooner  or  later  always  done.  The  conquering  race 
may  hold  out  doggedly  for  a  long  time  in  a  harsh 
military  policy  of  repression  and  oppression,  but  it  is 
only  a  question  of  time  when  experience  alone  will 
dictate  a  milder  policy  in  its  own  interest,  and  the 


Interest  Unites  189 

basis  of  compromise  will  at  last  be  reached.  The 
two  principles  involved  are  both  egoistic,  but  equili- 
brate each  other  and  contribute  jointly  to  the  result. 
These  are  economy  on  the  part  of  the  governing 
class  and  resignation  on  the  part  of  the  governed 
class.  These  produce  concessions  from  the  former 
and  assistance  from  the  latter.  The  result  is  that 
form  of  social  organization  known  as  the  juridical 
state.1 

231.  A  people  is  a  synthetic  creation.     It  is  not   (5)  Forma- 
a  mechanical  mixture.     It  is  not  either  of  the  antago-  peoplet 
nistic  races,  and  it  is   not  both  of  them.     The  de- 
tails   may    differ,    but    the    process    of    formation   is 
always  the  same.     There  are  two  antagonistic  races 

of  nearly  equal  social  value,  one  of  which  has  by 
some  means  succeeded  in  subjugating  the  other  and 
is  striving  to  secure  the  greatest  return  for  the  cost 
involved  in  so  doing.  After  a  long  trial  of  the  stern 
policy  of  repression  the  physically  superior  race  tires 
of  the  strain  and  relaxes  in  the  direction  of  general 
law.  Concession  and  resignation,  compromise  and 
mutual  assistance,  proceed  apace.  Animosity  abates, 
and  toleration  increases. 

232.  A  number  of  potent  agencies  combine  to  interest 
accelerate  the  process.  The  most  important  of  these 
is  interest.  It  is  a  truth  of  the  deepest  significance 
that  interest  unites  while  principle  divides.  What  all 
the  theory  of  race  superiority  backed  by  the  military 
power  could  not  accomplish,  personal  interest  and 
individual  advantage  secure.  The  looker-on  is  apt 
to  concentrate  his  attention  upon  the  race  struggle 

1  Bagehot,  Physics  and  politics. 


unites. 


190  Social  Statics 

and  the  political  principles  involved,  and  forget  that 
there  are  other  forces  at  work. 

The  individuals  of  both  races  have  before  them 
the  problem  of  maintaining  their  existence.  If  they 
are  of  a  sufficiently  high  development,  they  are  also 
interested  in  the  accumulation  of  wealth.  In  all 
this,  however  bitter  their  animosities  may  have  once 
been,  each  needs  the  help  of  the  rest.  In  order  for 
the  society  to  flourish  and  the  state  to  be  solvent  and 
strong,  arts  and  industries  must  spring  up  every- 
where and  commercial  activity  must  be  fostered  and 
encouraged.  The  division  of  labor  takes  place,  rami- 
fying in  all  directions  regardless  of  race  lines.  Busi- 
ness organizations  and  combinations  are  formed, 
based  on  character  and  fitness  and  not  on  race  dis- 
tinctions. Propinquity  in  such  matters  is  a  far  more 
potent  influence  than  race.  The  influence  of  men 
upon  one  another,  other  things  equal,  is  inversely  as 
the  distance.  It  is  those  immediately  around  that 
interest  and  assist, 
other  233.    But  interest  is  not  the  only  cementing  prin- 

ciple. There  are  many  other  operations  which  at  a 
certain  stage  of  development  inspire  intense  activities 
and  possess  a  powerful  socializing  influence.  Such 
are  many  of  the  ways  of  pursuing  pleasure,  knowl- 
edge, art,  science,  and  philanthropy,  through  voluntary 
organizations.  As  these  are  forms  of  association 
that  are  based  exclusively  on  personal  qualities  — 
affability,  zeal,  skill,  talent  —  and  not  on  race  differ- 
ences, they  tend  to  break  down  race  barriers  and 
unify  mankind  through  the  recognition  of  true  per- 
sonal  excellence.      Finally,  the   time   usually  comes 


influences. 


Social   Chemistry  191 

sooner  or  later  when  the  state  needs  the  physical  and 
moral  support  of  the  lower  elements,  when  outside 
invaders  threaten  to  overrun  and  destroy  it  and  plant 
an  alien  race  over  even  the  race  that  boasts  of  its 
own  conquests.  At  such  times  the  more  numerous 
subject  class  becomes  the  main  dependence,  and  to  it 
the  new  state  usually  owes  its  preservation.  When 
this  is  the  case,  two  other  unifying  sentiments  arise 
—  a  dim  sense  of  gratitude  on  the  part  of  the  ruling 
classes  and  a  lively  sense  of  pride  on  the  part  of  the 
subject  race.  These  work  together  to  the  same  gen- 
eral end  as  all  the  other  influences  named. 

234.  Passing  over  many  other  equating  and  assimi-  Social 
lating  influences,  upon  which,  like  some  of  those  here  chemistry- 
enumerated,  far  too  little  stress  has  been  laid  by  those 
who  have  worked  out  the  law  of  the  struggle  of  races, 
mention  must  be  made  of  one  other,  which,  though 
in  fact  perhaps  the  most  vital  of  all,  has,  singularly 
enough,  been  almost  totally  overlooked.  This  is  what 
may  be  called  the  social  chemistry  of  the  race  struggle, 
which  begins  with  the  primary  conquest  itself  and 
continues  through  the  entire  assimilative  period.  In 
a  war  of  conquest  between  two  savage  or  barbaric 
races  the  women  of  the  conquered  race  are  always 
appropriated  by  the  conquerors.  There  is  never  any 
such  race  antipathy  as  to  interfere  with  the  free  play 
of  the  reproductive  forces.  Aside  from  purposes  of 
lust,  there  exists  a  certain  intuitive  sense  that  the 
mixture  of  blood  conduces  to  race  vigor.  It  is  an  ex- 
tension of  the  rule  of  exogamy  and  a  survival  of  one 
of  the  earliest  of  human  race  instincts.  Historic  ex- 
amples are  numerous,  the  most  celebrated,  perhaps, 


192  Social   Statics 

being  that  of  the  rape  of  the  Sabines.  That  this 
practice  was  in  full  force  among  the  Israelites  is 
amply  attested  by  Scriptural  passages.1  Race  misce- 
genation therefore  begins  immediately,  but  it  does 
not  cease  after  the  subjugation  is  complete.  Through- 
out all  the  stages  of  social  karyokinesis  that  we  have 
been  considering,  it  is  constantly  going  on.  All  at- 
tempts to  keep  the  superior  race  pure  fail  utterly,  and 
by  the  time  the  state  has  been  established  the  major- 
ity of  the  inhabitants  have  m  their  veins  the  blood  of 
both  races.  The  formation  of  a  people,  therefore,  is 
not  only  a  political,  civil,  and  social  process,  but  it  is 
also  largely  a  physiological  process. 

It  is  not  until  after  all  these  steps  have  been  taken, 
occupying  a  long  period  varying  in  different  cases, 
that  a  new  race  is  created  through  the  blending  of 
the  two,  originally  hostile  and  antagonistic  races. 
Thus  are  introduced  the  elements  that  give  rise  to 
new  processes,  and,  by  a  cross  fertilization  of  cul- 
tures, there  is  created  a  new  social  structure.  This 
new  social  structure  is  a  people. 

235.  All  past  animosities  are  now  forgotten,  and 
the  people  thus  created  have  acquired  a  sense  of 
unity  and  solidarity.  There  begins  to  be  formed  a 
national  sentiment.  A  deep-seated  affection  grows 
up  for  both  the  people  and  the  territory,  and  individ- 
uals come  to  feel  that  they  have  what  they  call  a 
country.  This  affection  is  filial  from  the  sense  that  the 
country  has  given  them  birth,  and  in  most  languages 
the  name  by  which  it  is  known  denotes  paternity 
— patria,  patrie,    Vaterland.      The  sentiment  that  it 

1  See  especially  Numbers  xxxi  ;   Deuteronomy  xxi. 


Compound  Assimilation  193 

inspires  receives  a  name  derived  from  the  same  root, 
and  is  called  patriotism.  This  sentiment  is  popularly- 
regarded  as  a  very  high  one,  but  it  is  by  the  same 
logic  that  places  maternal  love  on  such  an  exalted 
throne,  when  it  is  only  an  animal  instinct  and  com- 
mon to  all  mammals  at  least,  to  birds  also,  and  prob- 
ably to  many  reptiles.  Patriotism  is  in  reality  not  a 
very  exalted  sentiment  and  belongs  to  the  same  class 
as  that  by  which  animals  become  "  wonted  "  to  the 
particular  spot  where  they  have  been  raised  with  no 
reference  to  its  superiority  over  other  places. 

But  whatever  its  rank  as  a  human  affection,  patri- 
otism plays  an  important  role  in  the  process  of  social 
assimilation.  It  is  the  basis  of  the  national  senti- 
ment, or  feeling  of  social  solidarity,  that  is  essential 
to  this  last  step  in  the  process  of  social  karyokinesis. 
It  marks  the  disappearance  of  the  last  vestige  of  the 
initial  social  dualism.  It  means  the  end  of  the  pro- 
longed race  struggle.  It  is  the  final  truce  to  the 
bitter  animosities  that  had  reigned  in  the  group. 
The  antagonistic  forces  have  spent  themselves,  social 
equilibrium  is  restored,  and  one  more  finished  prod- 
uct of  social  synergy  is  presented  to  the  world. 

V.    Compound  Assimilation 

236.  In  the  above  meager  sketch  has  been  de-  Compound 
scribed  one  isolated  and  typical  case  of  the  simplest 
form  of  social  assimilation  by  conquest,  struggle, 
compromise,  and  equilibration.  But  it  should  be 
noted  that  such  a  simple  case  is  theoretical,  and  that 
in  fact  all  the  known  historic  examples  are  complex 
or  compound.     By  this  is  meant  that  social  assimila- 


races. 


194  Social  Statics 

tion  is  a  process  of  social  aggregation  or  recompound- 
ing,  and  thus  conforms  in  this  respect  also  to  the 
universal  process  going  on  in  nature.  But  it  must  be 
remembered  that  collisions  and  conjugations  of  races 
have  been  going  on  ever  since  man  emerged  from 
the  animal  stage.  None  of  the  groups  of  which  we 
have  any  historical  knowledge  is  thus  simple.  The 
earliest  conjugations  were  doubtless  peaceful.  The 
struggle  did  not  begin  till  the  patriarchal  system 
succeeded  the  age  of  mother-right.  Doubtless  there 
have  been  numberless  cases  of  the  clash  of  patri- 
archal tribes  as  simple  as  the  one  described.  But 
the  historic  cases  enumerated  by  Gumplowicz,  Rat- 
zenhofer,  and  others  are  all  later  and  between  com- 
pound races.  The  process  has  to  be  gone  through 
with  over  and  over  again.  A  nation  is  fully  devel- 
oped according  to  this  process,  when  another  more 
vigorous  nation  that  has  been  similarly  formed 
sweeps  down  upon  it  and  subdues  it.  A  new  state, 
a  new  people,  a  new  nation,  have  to  be  created  by 
the  same  synergetic  principle.  But  while  it  was  in- 
cubating, other  states,  peoples,  nations,  were  also 
slowly  coming  into  being,  destined,  by  further  con- 
juncture, to  become  the  rivals  of  the  other,  and  so  on 
forever.  Races,  states,  peoples,  nations,  are  always 
forming,  always  aggressing,  always  clashing  and 
clinching  and  struggling  for  the  mastery,  and  the 
long,  painful,  wasteful,  but  always  fruitful,  gestation 
must  be  renewed  and  repeated  again  and  again.  Nor 
need  the  social  units  always  be  of  the  same  order. 
Conjuncture  is  as  likely  to  take  place  between  races 
of   different  orders  as   between   those  of    the   same 


The   Lower  Races  195 

order.  For  example,  the  conquering  race  may  have 
resulted  from  a  third  or  fourth  assimilation,  while  the 
conquered  race  may  only  represent  a  second  assimila- 
tion, and  have  therefore  acquired  an  inferior  degree 
of  social  efficiency.  An  extreme  of  this  case  is  where 
a  so-called  enlightened  nation  occupies  a  region  in- 
habited by  savages.  The  former  may  have  under- 
gone twenty  assimilations,  while  the  latter  may  be  still 
almost  in  their  idyllic  stage.  In  the  case  of  the 
United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  for 
example,  it  is  easy  to  trace  five  or  six  assimilations 
almost  within  historic  time,  and  yet  the  last  assimila- 
tion is  so  complete  that,  except  in  parts  of  Ireland, 
loyalty  and  patriotism  are  at  high-water  mark. 
Nearly  the  same  is  true  of  France  and  Germany, 
but  the  case  is  very  different  in  Austria,  where  the 
process  of  assimilation  is  incomplete. 

237.  The  objection  may  be  raised  that  all  that  has  The  lower 
been  said  does  not  apply  to  races  so  different  that  races* 
they  will  not  mix,  and  one  of  which  is  so  inferior  to 
the  other  that  subjugation  is  very  easy.  The  so-called 
low  races  of  men  have  very  little  social  efficiency. 
Social  efficiency  is  the  result  of  achievement.  We 
can  now  see  that  social  achievement  is  only  possible 
through  human  institutions,  and  all  higher  and  more 
developed  institutions  are  the  outcome  of  social  as- 
similation. Those  social  units  called  states,  peoples, 
and  nations  are  of  all  orders,  depending  upon  the 
number  of  assimilations.  Every  assimilation  is  a 
fresh  cross  fertilization  of  cultures,  and  renders  the 
resulting  social  unit  more  and  more  stable  and  solid. 
That  is,  it  gives  it  more  and  more  social  efficiency, 


196  Social  Statics 

and  it  thereby  becomes  increasingly  capable  of 
achievement  in  the  full  sense  of  the  definition.  The 
most  efficient  of  all  races  are  those  that  lie  directly  in 
the  track  of  civilization,  and  which  have  never  had 
their  connection  with  the  past  cut  off  or  interrupted. 
Through  this  social  continuity,  accompanied  by  re- 
peated crossing  of  the  highest  strains,  the  maximum 
social  efficiency  and  the  maximum  achievement  are 
secured.  Races  that  have  lived  wholly  off  this  line 
of  historic  development,  that  have  been,  as  it  were, 
side-tracked,  that  have  been  long  undisturbed  and 
never  subjugated,  have  only  slightly  felt  the  power 
of  social  synergy,  and  have  been  left  far  behind  in 
the  race.  It  is  not  so  much  their  mental  inferiority, 
though  mind  obeys  the  Lamarckian  law  of  exercise 
and  is  strengthened  by  every  fresh  effort  put  forth. 
These  races  possess  all  the  elements  of  development, 
but  have  lacked  the  opportunity  which  comes  only 
through  the  struggle  of  races  and  repeated  social 
assimilations. 

The  only  kind  of  social  assimilation  that  is  increas- 
ingly fertile  is  that  between  races  which  occupy  sub- 
stantially the  same  social  position.  The  case  is  very 
similar  to  that  of  sexual  reproduction.  For  success- 
ful crossing  the  individuals  must  belong  to  the  same 
species  and  not  be  too  different.  With  these  limita- 
tions the  more  they  differ  the  better.  It  must  be  true 
crossing  of  stocks,  and  not  hybridization  or  the  cross- 
ing of  different  species.  The  social  groups  must,  so 
to  speak,  belong  to  the  same  species. 


In  Advanced  Societies  197 


VI.    Pacific  Assimilation 

238.  A  final  question  remains.  Is  this,  then,  the 
only  possible  kind  of  social  assimilation  ?  Is  it  only 
through  war,  conquest,  and  subjugation  that  social 
structures  must  be  formed  ?  The  answer  is  yes  and 
no,  according  to  the  point  of  view.  But  the  only  an- 
swer needed  here  is  to  say  that  the  purpose  of  this 
chapter  is  to  study  the  genesis  of  society.  The  object 
has  not  been  here  to  show  what  man  in  the  social 
state  may  and  will  do.  The  object  has  been  to  show 
how  man  entered  the  social  state  and  what  the  social 
state  is  that  he  has  entered.  Whatever  may  happen 
in  society  after  it  is  fully  formed,  the  truth  remains 
that  thus  far  there  has  been  only  one  way  by  which 
society  has  been  formed,  and  that  is  through  social 
assimilation  by  conquest,  caste,  inequality,  compro- 
mise, equilibration,  and  final  interaction,  unification, 
and  solidarization. 

But  it  may  as  well  be  said  that  there  are  other 
forms  of  social  assimilation,  late  derivative,  pacific 
forms,  such  as  immigration,  that  have  already  begun 
to  operate  in  advanced  societies,  and  that  may  ulti- 
mately supersede  the  original,  spontaneous,  natural 
method.  It  may  well  be  that  the  one  great  historic 
line  of  social  evolution  has  well-nigh  reached  its  term 
in  the  direction  of  forcible  consolidation,  and  that  an 
era  of  peaceful  rivalry  and  friendly  emulation  is  about 
to  be  inaugurated,  but  the  world  has  evidently  not 
yet  reached  the  point  where  war  shall  cease  and 
where  the  millennium  shall  be  ushered  in. 


198  Social   Statics 


REFERENCES  TO  WARD'S  OTHER  WORKS 

Dynamic  sociology.     Topics   in   Index,  volume   II:    Language; 

Man;  Migration;  Savages;  Speech. 
Pure  sociology.     Chapter  X,  pp.  193-220. 
Article.     Social  differentiation  and  social  integration. 


CHAPTER   XIV 

SOCIAL  DYNAMICS 

239.  Definition.  240.  Dynamic  movements.  241.  Social  progress. 
242.  Social  stagnation.  243.  Social  degeneration.  244.  Social 
instability. 

Dynamic  Principles 

245.  Definition  of  these  principles. 
I.  Difference  of  Potential.  —  246.  Definition.  247.  The  principle 
of  sex.  248.  Asexual  reproduction.  249.  Crossing  of  strains. 
250.  Effect  of  uniform  environment.  251.  Mingling  of  cultures. 
252.  Progress  as  the  result.  253.  "  Dynamic  density."  254.  In- 
fluence of  war  on  human  progress.  255.  Western  civilization. 
256.    Theory  of  dominant  races. 

239.  As  social  statics  has  to  do  with  the  creation  Definition, 
of  an  equilibrium  among  the  forces  of  human  society, 
so  social  dynamics  must  have  to  do  with  some 
manner  of  disturbance  in  the  social  equilibrium.  As 
neither  the  growth,  the  multiplication,  nor  the  perfec- 
tionment  of  social  structures  involves  any  dynamic 
principle,  we  have  yet  to  learn  wherein  essentially 
consists  the  condition  that  is  truly  dynamic.  This 
should  be  postulated  at  the  outset,  as  the  necessary 
starting-point  in  the  treatment  of  social  dynamics. 
This  postulate  may  be  stated  in  the  following  form : 
In  all  departments  of  nature  wJiere  the  statical  condi- 
tion is  represented  by  structures,  the  dynamic  condition 
consists  in  some  change  in  the  type  of  such  structures. 

199 


200 


Social   Dynamics 


In  order  to  constitute  a  dynamic  condition,  a  struc- 
ture, whether  cosmic,  organic,  or  social,  must  undergo 
some  change  in  its  type,  whereby  its  relations  to  the 
environment  become  different  from  those  previously 
sustained. 

240.  The  word  dynamic  implies  a  movement.  It  is 
in  this  sense  that  it  will  be  used  in  this  chapter. 
The  process  by  which  structures  are  produced  is  not 
a  dynamic  process.  Structures  represent  a  condition 
of  equilibrium  and  are  the  normal  result  of  the  equili- 
bration of  conflicting  forces.  But  no  dynamic  phe- 
nomena can  take  place  until  structures  are  formed. 
Dynamic  movements  are  confined  to  structures  al- 
ready formed  and,  as  stated,  consist  in  changes  in  the 
type  of  these  structures.  But  the  important  fact  to 
be  noted  is  that  the  change  of  type  must  be  brought 
about  without  destroying  or  injuring  the  structure. 
It  is  a  differential  process  and  takes  place  by  infini- 
tesimal increments  or  changes.  It  may  be  compared 
to  the  process  of  petrifaction,  in  which  every  particle 
of  the  vegetable  substance  is  replaced  by  an  exactly 
equivalent  particle  of  mineral  substance,  so  that  it  is 
often  impossible  to  distinguish  the  one  from  the 
other,  the  minutest  structures  and  even  the  color 
being  exactly  reproduced.  This  differential  process 
is  what  characterizes  evolution,  and  the  contrast  so 
often  popularly  made  between  evolution  and  revolu- 
tion is  the  contrast  between  a  truly  dynamic  process 
and  a  process  which  breaks  up  and  destroys  existing 
structures  in  order  to  make  new  ones. 

241.  It  is  common  to  speak  of  order  and  progress 
as  opposites,  but  that  is  not  the  true  relation  between 


Social  Progress  201 

them.  Assuming  that  the  differential  changes  that 
take  place  in  the  types  of  social  structures  are  advan- 
tageous or  in  the  direction  of  structural  advance,  a 
dynamic  movement  becomes  synonymous  with  social 
progress.  The  structure  represents  equilibrium,  and 
as  it  must  remain  intact  and  still  constantly  undergo 
change  it  represents  a  moving  equilibrium.  As 
change  in  the  type  of  structure  presupposes  structure 
to  be  changed,  it  is  clear  that  progress  presupposes 
order.  Order  is  therefore  the  necessary  basis  of 
progress,  its  essential  condition.  This  shows  more 
clearly  than  any  other  viewpoint  could  do,  not  only 
why  social  statics  must  be  taken  into  the  account,  but 
also  why  in  the  treatment  of  social  mechanics  social 
statics  must  precede  social  dynamics.  When  their 
true  relations  are  perceived,  it  becomes  apparent  that 
the  latter  cannot  be  understood  until  a  clear  concep- 
tion of  the  former  has  been  gained. 

In  fact,  however,  the  movement  of  all  transforma- 
tions, social  as  well  as  organic,  can  only  be  seen  with 
the  eye  of  reason,  so  that  human  institutions  are,  for 
all  purposes  of  investigation,  virtually  fixed.  The 
simple  knowledge  that  they  are  changing  need  not 
disturb  their  quiet  study  any  more  than  the  knowl- 
edge that  the  earth  with  all  that  is  on  it  is  swiftly 
flying  through  space  need  disturb  the  operations  of 
men  inhabiting  its  surface.  Nevertheless,  the  dy- 
namic condition  exists  and  much  of  the  change  is  in 
the  direction  of  progress.  In  general,  the  movement 
is  in  the  direction  of  higher  types  of  structure,  having 
greater  differentiation  and  more  complete  integration 
of  their  parts.     We  have  only  to  look  back  over  the 


202  Social   Dynamics 

brief  span  of  human  history  covered  by  the  written 
records  to  see  that  this  has  been  true  of  human  insti- 
tutions during  the  past  two  or  three  thousand  years, 
but  especially  so  far  as  regards  the  historical  races. 
It  is  probably  true  only  to  a  less  degree  of  the  rest 
of  mankind. 
Social  242.    Social  progress,  however,  is  subject  to  a  sort 

stagnation.  Qf  jaw  Q£  diminishing  returns.  The  progressive 
forces  are  themselves  subject  to  equilibration  and 
a  rhythmic  swing,  which  gradually  diminishes  in  am- 
plitude and  ultimately  comes  to  rest  unless  some  new 
force  is  introduced.  Imitation  preserves  what  has 
been  gained,  but  after  a  change  for  the  better  has 
been  adopted  and  its  value  recognized,  it  becomes 
sacred  with  time,  and  the  older  an  institution  is  the 
more  sacred  and  inviolate  it  is.  The  permanence  of 
social  structures  from  these  causes  thus  becomes  the 
chief  obstacle  to  reform  when  this  is  demanded  by  a 
changing  environment  and  internal  growth.  Society 
is  constructed  somewhat  on  the  plan  of  a  crustacean. 
This  is  especially  true  of  the  more  backward  and 
somewhat  primitive  societies,  while  the  later  and 
higher  societies  have  been  reconstructed  more  on  the 
plan  of  the  vertebrate.  Mr.  Spencer  truly  says  :  "  The 
primitive  man  is  conservative  in  an  extreme  degree. 
Even  on  contrasting  higher  races  with  one  another, 
and  even  on  contrasting  different  classes  in  the  same 
society,  it  is  observable  that  the  least  developed  are 
the  most  averse  to  change."  1 

There  is  a  prevalent  idea  in  civilized  nations  that 
progress  is  the  normal  condition  and  always  welcome. 

1  Principles  of  sociology,  volume  I,  p.  78  (§  38). 


Social  Stagnation  203 

Says  Bagehot :  "  Our  habitual  instructors,  our  or- 
dinary conversation,  our  inevitable  and  ineradicable 
prejudices,  tend  to  make  us  think  that  'Progress'  is 
the  normal  fact  in  human  society,  the  fact  which  we 
should  expect  to  see,  the  fact  which  we  should  be 
surprised  if  we  did  not  see.  But  history  refutes  this. 
The  ancients  had  no  conception  of  progress ;  they 
did  not  so  much  as  reject  the  idea ;  they  did  not  even 
entertain  the  idea.  Oriental  nations  are  just  the 
same  now.  Since  history  began  they  have  always 
been  what  they  are.  Savages,  again,  do  not  improve; 
they  hardly  seem  to  have  the  basis  on  which  to  build, 
much  less  the  material  to  put  up  anything  worth 
having.  Only  a  few  nations,  and  those  of  European 
origin,  advance ;  and  yet  these  think  —  seem  irre- 
sistibly compelled  to  think  —  such  advance  to  be  in- 
evitable, natural,  and  eternal."  1 

Sir  Henry  Sumner  Maine,  speaking  from  a  still 
wider  range  of  observation,  fully  corroborates  these 
statements  when  he  says:  ''It  is  indisputable  that 
much  the  greatest  part  of  mankind  has  never  shown 
a  particle  of  desire  that  its  civil  institutions  should  be 
improved  since  the  moment  when  external  complete- 
ness was  first  given  to  them  by  embodiment  in  some 
permanent  record."2  "Vast  populations,  some  of 
them  with  a  civilization  considerable  but  peculiar, 
detest  that  which  in  the  language  of  the  West  would 

1  Physics  and  politics,  pp.  41-42. 

2  Ancient  law,  its  connection  with  the  early  history  of  society,  and 
its  relation  to  modern  ideas,  by  Henry  Sumner  Maine,  with  an  intro- 
duction by  Theodore  W.  Dwight.  Third  American  from  fifth  London 
edition,  New  York,  1883,  pp.  21-22. 


204  Social   Dynamics 

be  called  reform.  .  .  .  To  the  fact  that  the  enthusi- 
asm for  change  is  comparatively  rare  must  be  added 
the  fact  that  it  is  extremely  modern.  It  is  known 
but  to  a  small  part  of  mankind,  and  to  that  part  but 
for  a  short  period  during  a  history  of  incalculable 
length."  i 

To  all  of  which  it  may  be  added  that  even  these 
few  persons  in  the  most  enlightened  countries  desire 
change  or  "  reform  "  only  in  certain  institutions  and 
by  no  means  in  all.  As  Dr.  Ross  fittingly  puts  it : 
"  How  few  there  are  who  honestly  believe  that  im- 
provement is  possible  anywhere  and  everywhere ! 
Who  expects  change  in  worship  or  funerals,  as  he 
expects  it  in  surgery  ?  Who  admits  that  the  mar- 
riage institution  or  the  court  of  justice  is  improvable 
as  well  as  the  dynamo  ?  Who  concedes  the  relativity 
of  woman's  sphere  or  private  property,  as  he  con- 
cedes that  of  the  piano  or  the  sky-scraper  ?  "  2  All 
this  may  seem  incompatible  with  the  general  law  of 
progress,  and  may  lead  some  to  wonder  how  there 
can  have  been  any  progress  at  all.  The  purpose  in 
introducing  it  is  to  clear  the  ground  for  the  appli- 
cation of  the  real  dynamic  principles.  But  another 
even  more  serious  fact  must  also  be  frankly  avowed. 

243.  The  well-recognized  fact  that  social  degen- 
eration sometimes  occurs  has  led  many  to  look  upon 
it  as  the  natural  antithesis  of  social  progress,  and  it 
is  said  that  nations  and  races  have  their  regular 
stages  of  youth,  maturity,  and  decline  as  with  old 
age.      There  is  a  basis  of  truth  in  all  this,  as  was 

1  Popular  government,  by  Henry  Sumner  Maine,  New  York,  1886, 
pp.  132-134.  2  Social  control,  p.  195. 


Social  Degeneration  205 

shown  under  the  head  of  Sympodial  Development.1 
There  is  no  true  opposite  to  any  form  of  evolution, 
development  never  goes  backward,  retracing  the  steps 
it  has  taken ;  the  loss  of  any  structure  that  has  been 
acquired  can  only  take  place  through  the  crowding 
out  or  extinction  of  the  organisms  possessing  such 
structure,  which  is  always  done  by  the  rise  of  other 
more  vigorous  organisms  competing  successfully  for 
the  means  of  subsistence.  Human  races  are  no  ex- 
ception to  this  law.  There  is  therefore  little  to  be 
said  here  except  to  point  out  that  social  degeneration 
or  decadence,  if  we  make  these  terms  synonymous,  is 
not  strictly  dynamic,  but  quasi-pathologic. 

If  savage  man  has  come  out  of  an  animal  state,  if 
barbaric  man  has  come  from  savage  man,  if  half-civil- 
ized man  has  come  from  barbaric  man,  if  civilized 
man  has  come  from  half-civilized  man,  if  enlightened 
man  has  come  from  early  civilized  man,  then  there 
has  in  the  long  run  always  been  progress  in  spite  of 
all  the  forms  of  degeneracy  and  all  the  rhythms  to 
which  this  series  of  phenomena  has  been  subjected. 
Ethnologists  have  described  certain  low  races  whom 
they  suppose  to  have  degenerated  from  some  higher 
state,  as,  for  example,  the  Veddahs,  the  Akkas,  the 
Fuegians,  and  even  the  Ainos  and  the  Esquimaux. 
From  this  there  are  certain  to  be  some  who  will 
"jump  at  the  conclusion  "  that  all  savages  are  degen- 
erates. This  is  but  to  revive  the  ancient  doctrine  of 
a  "golden  age"  and  the  degeneracy  of  all  mankind, 
or  at  least  Aristotle's  doctrine  that  all  savages  have 
degenerated  from  a  civilized  state.     These  doctrines 

1  Chapter  II,  paragraph  20. 


206  Social   Dynamics 

have  all  been  definitely  set  at  rest  by  Lyell,1  Tylor,2 
and  others,  and  need  not  occupy  us. 

244.  Although  everything  points  to  social  evolu- 
tion as  having  always  gone  on  and  as  still  going  on, 
and  although  there  are  no  indications  that  there  is 
now  or  ever  has  been  any  true  social  involution  in  the 
sense  of  retracing  the  steps  that  have  been  taken, 
still  it  must  not  be  inferred  that  all  the  modern  dis- 
cussion of  the  problem  of  social  decadence  is  based 
on  vain  imaginings.  The  real  problem  is  how  to  se- 
cure social  stability. 

There  is  a  constant  tendency  in  society  to  ossifica- 
tion, growing  out  of  the  intense  appreciation  that  all 
mankind  displays  for  those  social  structures  that 
have  served  a  good  purpose.  Men  perpetually  praise 
the  bridge  that  took  them  across  the  river  of  life,  and 
continue  to  praise  it  and  cling  to  it  after  its  timbers 
have  decayed  and  its  abutments  begin  to  crumble. 
This  highly  useful  conservatism  thus  becomes  a  dan- 
gerous misoneism,  and  the  very  stability  which  men 
thus  seek  to  secure  becomes  a  source  of  weakness. 
Here  we  encounter  the  distinction  between  the  stable 
and  the  labile,  or  rather  the  real  connection  between 
the  two.  For  only  the  labile  is  truly  stable,  just  as 
in  the  domain  of  living  things,  only  the  plastic  is 
enduring.  For  lability  is  not  an  exact  synonym  of 
instability,  as  the  dictionaries  teach,  but  embodies 
besides  the  idea  of  flexibility  and  susceptibility  to 
change  without  destruction  or  loss.  It  is  that  quality 
in  institutions  which  enables  them  to  change  and  still 

1  Antiquity  of  matt,  chapter  XIX,  London,  1863,  p.  379. 

2  Primitive  culture,  London,  1871,  volume  II,  pp.  52  ff. 


Stability  versus   Lability  207 

persist,  which  converts  their  equilibrium  into  a  mov- 
ing equilibrium,  and  which  makes  possible  their  adap- 
tation to  both  internal  and  external  modification,  to 
changes  in  both  individual  character  and  the  environ- 
ment. 

As  there  is  no  such  thing  in  physics  as  absolute 
rest,  so  there  is  no  such  thing  in  society  as  absolute 
stagnation,  so  that  when  a  society  makes  for  itself  a 
Procrustean  bed,  it  is  simply  preparing  the  way  for 
its  own  destruction  by  the  on-moving  agencies  of 
social  dynamics.  Structures  once  formed  must  either 
change  organically  and  move  on  to  higher  stages,  or 
they  must  succumb  to  the  pressure  exerted  by  sur- 
rounding dynamic  influences.  It  is  this  that  is  meant 
by  the  instability  of  society  or  of  civilization.  Social 
decadence  is  never  universal.  If  it  is  going  on  in 
one  place,  a  corresponding  social  progress  is  going  on 
in  others,  and  thus  far  the  loss  has  always  been  more 
than  made  up  by  the  gain.  The  causes  of  social 
decadence  have  been  so  widely  discussed  in  recent 
times  that  they  need  not  be  dwelt  on.  They  are  per- 
sonal, racial,  and  social.  We  may  recognize  the  fact 
that  in  society  and  in  the  human  race  generally  the 
series  has  thus  far  been  and  still  remains  an  ascend- 
ing one,  and  that  social,  organic,  and  cosmic  evolution 
prevail  and  have  prevailed  to  the  limit  of  our  powers 
of  fathoming  the  universe.  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
this  scientific  optimism  should  not,  and,  properly  in- 
terpreted, does  not  teach  any  laissea  faire  doctrine, 
and  we  cannot  afford  to  close  our  eyes  to  the  patent 
facts  of  social  instability. 


2o8 


Social  Dynamics 


Definition 
of  these 
principles. 


Dynamic  Principles 

245.  By  discussing  social  stagnation,  social  degen- 
eration, and  social  instability,  the  way  has  been  pre- 
pared for  the  clear  and  intelligent  discussion  of  the 
true  principles  of  social  dynamics.  In  some  respects 
social  dynamics  is  a  more  complex  branch  of  social 
mechanics  than  social  statics.  In  the  latter  we  found 
that  all  the  phenomena  were  controlled  by  a  single 
principle,  that  of  social  synergy,  under  which  social 
energy  is  equilibrated  and  social  structures  are 
formed.  In  social  dynamics,  on  the  contrary,  several 
quite  distinct  principles  must  be  recognized.  We 
shall  endeavor  to  reduce  these  to  three,  or  at  least  to 
confine  ourselves  chiefly  to  the  three  leading  dynamic 
principles.  These  are,  first,  difference  of  potential, 
manifested  chiefly  in  the  crossing  of  cultures,  by 
which  the  equilibrium  of  social  structures  is  disturbed, 
and  stability  is  converted  into  lability ;  second,  inno- 
vation, due  to  psychic  exuberance,  through  which  the 
monotonous  repetition  of  social  heredity  is  interrupted, 
and  new  vistas  are  gained ;  and  third,  conation,  or 
social  effort,  by  which  the  social  energy  is  applied  to 
material  things,  resulting  in  poesis  and  achievement. 
All  these  principles  are  unconscious  social  agencies 
working  for  social  progress. 


I.    Difference   of  Potential 

Definition.  246.    This  expression  is  of  course  borrowed  from 

modern  physics,  and  it  will  be  assumed  that  the 
reader  is  familiar  with  the  distinction  between  poten- 
tial and  kinetic  energy.     It  is  the  broadest  of  all  the 


Difference  of  Potential  209 

dynamic  principles,  and  is,  in  fact,  a  cosmic  principle 
like  that  of  synergy.  It  cannot  be  dealt  with  in  all 
its  bearings  upon  social  science,  but  must  be  confined 
chiefly  to  its  one  great  application,  the  crossing,  or 
cross  fertilization  of  cultures. 

247.  Biologists,  e.g.,  have  only  recently  discovered  Theprin- 
the  principle  of  sex.     It  had  always  been  supposed,  clPleofsex- 
and  is  still  popularly  supposed,  that  the  purpose  of  sex 

is  to  insure  reproduction.  But,  paradoxical  as  it  may 
sound,  sex  has  fundamentally  nothing  whatever  to  do 
with  reproduction.  The  great  number  of  organisms 
now  known  to  science  which  possess  no  sex,  and 
which,  nevertheless,  reproduce  asexually  in  the  most 
prolific  manner,  clearly  shows  that  sex  is  not  at  all 
necessary  to  reproduction.  What,  then,  is  the  pur- 
pose of  sex  ?  What  office  does  it  perform  in  organic 
economy  ?  The  answer  that  modern  biology  gives  to 
this  question  is  that  sex  is  a  device  for  keeping  up  a 
difference  of  potential. 

248.  In  asexual  reproduction  heredity  is  simple  rep-  Asexual 
etition.     The 'structures  in  existence  exactly  reproduce  reProductlon« 
themselves.     The  offspring  is  in  all  respects  like  the 

parent.  Function  is  fully  performed.  Growth  and 
multiplication  go  on  at  rapid  rates.  There  may  be 
even  considerable  perfectionment  of  these  same  struc- 
tures. But  there  is  a  constant  tendency  in  both 
the  vegetable  and  the  animal  kingdoms  to  escape 
from  asexual  reproduction  and  resort  to  sexual  re- 
production, and  in  the  latter  to  secure  the  greatest 
possible  separation  of  the  sexes  and  difference  in 
the  parents.  Although  all  this  is  brought  about 
by  natural  selection,  or  the  principle  of  advantage, 


2IO 


Social   Dynamics 


Crossing  of 
strains. 


Effect  of 
uniform  en- 
vironment. 


still  it  overwhelmingly  demonstrates  that  there  is  an 
advantage  in  sexuality.  This  advantage  is  clear  to 
be  seen,  since  it  is  nothing  less  than  that  of  setting 
up  a  difference  of  potential  between  organic  beings. 
This  sex  primarily  accomplishes,  and  it  is  accomplished 
in  increasing  degrees  by  the  wider  and  wider  crossing 
of  strains.  Thus  the  object  of  sex  is  not  reproduc- 
tion at  all,  but  variation.  It  is  organic  differentiation, 
higher  life,  progress,  evolution. 

249.  The  crossing  of  strains  is  in  the  highest  de- 
gree dynamic,  and  it  applies  to  all  living  beings.  It  is 
well  to  note  that  this  is  the  principle  that  underlies 
all  the  customs  and  laws  of  primitive  as  well  as 
civilized  men  looking  to  the  preservation  of  the  vigor 
of  races.  The  most  conspicuous  and  widespread  of 
such  customs  are  those  which,  in  varying  forms  and 
degrees,  and  with  varying  severity,  enforce  the  prac- 
tice of  exogamy.  Among  higher  races  the  same 
principle  is  embodied  in  laws  against  incest,  and  in 
codes  defining  the  degrees  of  consanguinity  within 
which  marriage  is  forbidden.  Everywhere  it  is  and 
always  has  been  realized  either  instinctively,  intui- 
tively, or  rationally,  and  now  it  has  been  demonstrated 
experimentally,  that  close  interbreeding  is  deteriorat- 
ing and  endangers  the  life  of  society.  This  is  one  of 
the  clearest  exemplifications  of  the  universal  principle 
of  social  dynamics  for  which  the  phrase  difference  of 
potential  seems  to  be  the  clearest  expression. 

250.  But  difference  of  potential  is  a  social  as  well 
as  a  physiological  and  a  physical  principle,  and  per- 
haps we  shall  find  the  easiest  transition  from  the  phy- 
siological to  the  social  in  viewing  the  deteriorating 


Uniform   Environment  211 

effects  of  close  interbreeding  from  the  standpoint  of 
the  environment  instead  of  from  that  of  the  organism. 
A  long-continued  uniform  environment  is  more 
deteriorating  than  similarity  of  blood.  Persons 
who  remain  for  their  whole  lives,  and  their  descend- 
ants after  them,  in  the  same  spot,  surrounded  by 
precisely  the  same  conditions,  and  intermarry  with 
others  doing  the  same,  and  who  continue  this  for  a 
series  of  generations,  deteriorate  mentally  at  least, 
and  probably  also  physically,  although  there  may  not 
be* any  mixing  of  blood.  Their  whole  lives,  physical, 
mental,  and  moral,  become  fixed  and  monotonous, 
and  the  result  is  socially  the  same  as  close  consan- 
guineal  interbreeding.  On  the  other  hand,  a  case  in 
which  a  man  should,  without  knowing  it,  marry  his 
own  sister,  after  they  had  been  long  separated  and 
living  under  widely  different  skies,  would  probably 
entail  no  special  deterioration,  and  their  different 
conditions  of  life  would  have  produced  practically 
the  same  effect  as  if  they  were  not  related. 

251.  The  transition  from  this  semi-physiological  Mingling 
aspect  of  the  subject  to  the  wholly  sociological  one  is  ofcultures« 
easy.  The  cross  fertilization  of  cultures  is  to  sociol- 
ogy what  the  cross  fertilization  of  germs  is  to  biology. 
A  culture  is  a  social  structure,  a  social  organism,  if 
any  one  prefers,  and  ideas  are  its  germs.  These  may 
be  mixed  or  crossed,  and  the  effect  is  the  same  as 
that  of  crossing  hereditary  strains.  The  process  by 
which  the  greater  part  of  this  has  been  accomplished, 
at  least  in  the  early  history  of  human  society,  is  the 
struggle  of  races.  In  this  struggle  may  be  found  the 
principle  of  the  difference  of  potential.     A  race  of 


212  Social   Dynamics 

men  may  be  looked  upon  as  a  physical  system  pos- 
sessing a  large  amount  of  potential  energy,  but  often 
having  reached  such  a  complete  state  of  equilibrium 
that  it  is  incapable  of  performing  any  but  the  normal 
functions  of  growth  and  multiplication.  It  is  reduced 
by  the  very  principle  that  constructed  it  to  the  power 
of  simple  repetition.  If  it  were  left  to  the  initiative 
of  savage  races,  there  never  would  be  any  social  prog- 
ress. We  may  go  further  and  say  that  if  it  were 
left  to  the  deliberate  and  conscious  action  of  mankind, 
human  progress  would  be  impossible.  Fortunately 
there  are  great  cosmic,  unconscious  principles  that 
work  for  progress  against  the  eternal  resistance  of 
established  social  structures.  By  sheer  force  of  cir- 
cumstance, by  the  pushing  out  of  boundaries  to  avoid 
overcrowding,  different  races,  charged  with  potential 
energy  locked  up  in  varied  cults  and  customs,  meet  in 
conflicts,  whereby  all  these  divergent  idea-germs  are 
first  hurled  promiscuously  together  and  then  blend 
in  the  manner  described  under  the  head  of  Social 
Karyokinesis.  Without  destroying  the  structures 
produced  by  social  synergy,  a  differential  change  is 
constantly  taking  place  whereby  they  are  perpetually 
changing  in  type  and  evolving  into  new  and  higher 
types  of  structure.  This  is  the  dynamic  movement 
caused  by  the  change  of  potential,  which  is  in  turn 
the  result  of  the  cross  fertilization  of  cultures. 

252.  Progress  results  from  the  fusion  of  unlike 
elements.  This  is  creative,  because  from  it  there 
results  a  third  something  which  is  neither  the  one 
nor  the  other,  but  different  from  both,  and  something 
new  and    superior  to  either.       But    these  elements, 


Influence  of  War  213 

although  they  must  be  unlike,  must  possess  a  certain 
degree  of  similarity  so  as  not  to  be  incompatible  and 
unassimilable.  It  must  be  cross  fertilization  and 
not  hybridization.  All  cultures  are  supposed  to  be 
assimilable.  Whatever  is  human  must  have  some 
points  of  agreement.  Still  there  are  some  races 
whose  culture  differs  so  widely  from  that  of  others 
that  they  seem  to  form  an  exception  to  this  law. 
They  are  theoretically,  but  not  practically,  assimilable. 
The  one  has  so  little  potential  energy  that  it  produces 
no  appreciable  effect  on  the  other,  while  the  higher 
civilization  immediately  overwhelms,  engulfs,  and 
absorbs,  or  destroys,  the  lower. 

253.  Again,  anything  that  increases  social  activity,   "Dynamic 
especially  if  it  affects  the  intensity  of  this  activity,  is  density- 
dynamic.     Thus  increase  of  population,  in  and  of  it- 
self, is  not  dynamic,  but  there  is  such  a  thing  as  the 
"dynamic  density  "  of   population.      By  the  friction 

of  mind  upon  mind,  especially  in  a  mixed  population 
of  a  certain  density,  there  is  produced  a  difference  of 
potential  among  individuals  which  is  in  a  high  degree 
dynamic. 

254.  It  is  impossible  in  dealing  with  this  subject  influence  of 
to  avoid  the  bearing  of  war  and  peace  on  human  prog-  human 
ress.     All  civilized  men  realize  the  horrors  of  war,  progress, 
and  if  sociology  has  any  utilitarian  purposes,  one  of 

these  certainly  is  to  diminish  or  mitigate  these 
horrors.  But  pure  sociology  is  simply  an  inquiry  into 
the  social  facts  and  conditions,  and  has  nothing  to  do 
with  utilitarian  purposes.  In  making  this  objective 
inquiry  it  finds  that,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  war  has  been 

1  Durkheim,  Les  regies  de  la  methode  sociologique,  pp.  139-140. 


214  Social   Dynamics 

the  chief  and  leading  condition  of  human  progress. 
This  is  perfectly  obvious  to  any  one  who  understands 
the  meaning  of  the  struggle  of  races.  When  races 
stop  struggling,  progress  ceases.  They  want  no  prog- 
ress, and  they  have  none.  For  all  primitive  and 
early,  undeveloped  races,  certainly,  the  condition  of 
peace  is  a  condition  of  social  stagnation.  We  may 
enlarge  to  our  soul's  content  on  the  blessings  of 
peace,  but  the  facts  remain  as  stated,  and  cannot  be 
successfully  disproved. 
Western  255.    As   regards    the    more    civilized    races,    this 

civilization.      much  at  jeast  must  be  acjmitted.     The  inhabitants  of 

southern,  central,  and  western  Europe  have  led  the 
civilization  of  the  world  ever  since  there  were  any 
records.  They  are  and  have  been  throughout  all 
this  time  the  repository  of  the  highest  culture,  they 
have  the  largest  amount  of  social  efficiency,  they 
have  achieved  the  most,  and  they  represent  the 
longest  uninterrupted  inheritance  and  transmission 
of  human  achievement.  The  several  nations  into 
which  this  race  is  now  divided  are  the  products  of 
compound  assimilation  of  a  higher  order  than  that  of 
other  nations.  As  a  consequence  of  all  this  this  race 
has  become  the  dominant  race  of  the  globe.  As 
such  it  has  undertaken  the  work  of  extending  its 
dominion  over  other  parts  of  the  earth.  It  has 
already  spread  over  the  whole  of  South  and  North 
America,  over  Australia,  and  over  southern  Africa. 
It  has  gained  a  firm  foothold  on  northern  Africa, 
southern  and  eastern  Asia,  and  most  of  the  larger 
islands  and  archipelagos  of  the  sea.  It  is  only  nec- 
essary to  understand  the  modern  history  of  the  world 


Dominant   Races 


215 


and  the  changes  in  the  map  of  the  world  to  see  this. 
Much  of  this  has  been  peacefully  accomplished,  but 
whenever  any  of  the  races  previously  occupying  this 
territory  has  raised  any  obstacle  to  the  march  of  the 
dominant  race  the  latter  has  never  hesitated  to  em- 
ploy force  or  resort  to  war.  Certain  tender-hearted 
persons  have  almost  always  uttered  a  faint  protest 
against  it,  but  it  has  been  utterly  powerless  to  stem 
the  current.  Indeed,  the  whole  movement  by  which 
the  master  race  of  the  planet  has  extended  its  do- 
minion over  inferior  races  differs  not  the  least  in 
principle  from  the  primitive  movement  described  in 
the  last  chapter.  The  effects  are  different  only  be- 
cause of  the  great  disparity  in  the  races  engaged,  due 
in  turn  to  the  superior  social  efficiency  of  the  domi- 
nant race. 

256.  Under  the  operation  of  such  a  cosmical  prin-  Theory  of 
ciple  it  seems  a  waste  of  breath  to  urge  peace,  justice,  dominant 
humanity,  and  yet  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  these 
moral  forces  are  gaining  strength  and  slowly  mitigat- 
ing the  severity  of  the  law  of  nature.  But  mitigation 
is  all  that  can  be  hoped  for.  The  movement  must 
go  on,  and  there  seems  no  place  for  it  to  stop  until, 
just  as  man  has  gained  dominion  over  the  animal 
world,  so  the  highest  type  of  man  shall  gain  domin- 
ion over  the  lower  types  of  man.  The  greater  part 
of  the  peace  agitation  is  characterized  by  total  blind- 
ness to  all  these  broader  cosmic  facts  and  principles, 
and  this  explains  its  complete  impotence.  There  is 
a  certain  kind  of  over-culture  which  instead  of  widen- 
ing narrows  the  mental  horizon.  Far  safer  guides 
are  the  crude  instincts  of  the  general  public  in  the 


216  Social   Dynamics 

same  communities.  If  the  peace  missionaries  could 
make  their  counsels  prevail,  there  might  be  universal 
peace,  nay,  general  contentment,  but  there  would  be 
no  progress.  Whatever  may  be  best  for  the  future 
when  society  shall  become  self-conscious  and  capable 
of  devising  its  own  means  of  keeping  up  the  difference 
of  potential,  thus  far  war  and  struggle  with  all  that 
they  imply  have  been  the  blind  unconscious  means 
by  which  nature  has  secured  this  result,  and  by  which 
a  dynamic  condition  has  been  produced  and  kept  up. 

REFERENCES   TO  WARD'S  OTHER  WORKS 

Dynamic  sociology.  Chapter  X,  volume  II.  Topics  in  Index, 
volume  II:  Cycles  in  social  progress;  Degeneration;  Dy- 
namic ;  Parasites  —  Parasitism  ;  War. 

PsycJiic factors.     Index:  Progress;  War. 

Pure  sociology.     Chapter  XI,  pp.  221-240. 


CHAPTER   XV 

DYNAMIC   PRINCIPLES  {Continued) 

II.  Innovation.  —  257.  Fortuitous  variation.  258.  Social  innovation. 
259.  Innovation  through  the  leisure  class.  260.  "  Instinct  of 
workmanship."     261.    Final  criterion  of  a  dynamic  action. 

III.  Conation.  —  262.  Explanation  of  the  term.  263.  Transforma- 
tion of  the  environment.  264.  Social  progress  not  desired. 
265.  Effort  the  dynamic  principle.  266.  Dynamic  effects  are 
social.     267.    Matter    dynamic. 

Attention  has  thus  far  been  confined  to  those 
primary  social  structures  called  races  and  nations, 
which  constitute  the  forms  of  human  association. 
There  are  other  almost  equally  important  aspects  of 
the  subject  having  their  roots  in  other  classes  of 
facts,  and  to  these  we  may  now  turn  our  attention. 

II.   Innovation 

257.  The  dynamic  principle  next  in  importance  to  Fortuitous 
that  of  difference  of  potential  is  innovation.  In  its 
broader  aspect  it  takes  the  form  of  what  may  be  called 
fortuitous  variation,  an  expression  used  by  Darwin, 
Spencer,  Romanes,  Cope,  and  others,  but  not  always 
given  its  full  significance.  The  chief  cause  of  organic 
variation,  as  shown  in  the  previous  chapter,  is  sex. 
When  treating  of  sex  as  a  device  of  nature  for  produc- 
ing a  difference  of  potential,  it  was  not  necessary  to 

217 


218  Dynamic  Principles 

go  beyond  the  primary  dualism  of  the  parental  strains. 
But  it  is  evident  that  for  any  developed  organism 
with  a  long  phylogeny  the  number  of  atavistic  stirps 
must  be  next  to  infinite,  and  as  any  of  these  are  liable 
to  lie  latent  during  many  generations  and  crop  out  at 
any  time,  the  possibilities  of  fortuitous  variation  are 
enormous.  This  is  the  inner  explanation  of  fortui- 
tous variation,  and  is  the  way  in  which  nature  fills 
every  crack,  chink,  and  cranny  into  which  it  is  possible 
for  life  to  be  thrust.  Whenever  the  life  force  breaks 
over  the  bounds  of  simple  heredity  and  goes  beyond 
the  process  of  merely  repeating  and  multiplying  the 
structures  that  have  already  been  created,  it  becomes 
innovation  and  changes  the  type  of  structure.  In 
biologic  language  this  is  variation,  and  all  variation  is 
dynamic.  Variation  due  to  mere  exuberance  of  life 
is  quite  as  much  so  as  when  due  to  other  causes. 
These  erratic  sports,  under  the  life-giving  power  of 
sunshine  and  shower,  call  back  into  life  and  activity 
all  the  myriad  germ-plasms  that  have  been  pushed 
aside  in  the  march  of  heredity  and  line  the  way- 
side of  evolution.  These  constitute  an  inexhaustible 
source  of  fresh  variations,  combining  and  recom- 
bining  in  an  endless  series  of  ever  changing  forms. 
Such  are  the  conditions  and  methods  of  organic  inno- 
vation, with  which  utility,  advantage,  and  fitness  to 
survive  have  nothing  to  do. 
Social  258.    Social   innovation    proceeds    upon  the  same 

principle,  and  although  the  immediate  conditions  and 
accompanying  circumstances  may  appear  very  differ- 
ent, we  have  only  to  abstract  the  details  and  gen- 
eralize the   phenomena  to  perceive  the    fundamental 


innovation. 


Social   Innovation  219 

unity  of  process.  The  tendency  in  social,  as  in  or- 
ganic structures  is  simply  to  conserve  and  reproduce ; 
it  is  to  copy  and  repeat,  grow  and  multiply,  but 
always  to  retain  the  same  structures.  But  in  society 
as  in  organisms  there  is  a  surplus  of  energy  that  must 
be  worked  off.  This  is  not,  however,  universally  dif- 
fused. The  great  mass  have  no  energy  to  spare 
beyond  the  bare  needs  of  existence.  But  nature 
always  produces  irregularities  and  inequalities.  Its 
method  is  utterly  devoid  of  economy.  It  heaps  up 
in  one  place  and  tears  away  in  another.  A  state  of 
equality,  if  it  could  be  conceived  to  exist,  would  be 
ephemeral.  A  state  of  inequality  would  quickly 
replace  it.  While,  then,  all  the  social  energy  if 
equally  distributed  might  leave  a  very  small  surplus 
to  each  member  of  society,  the  actual  case  is:  vast 
numbers  in  whom  the  social  energy  is  below  the  level 
of  healthy  activity,  and  small  groups  in  whom  it  is 
far  above  the  possibility  of  ever  consuming  it.  Sur- 
plus social  energy  is  confined  to  these  favored  groups, 
and  all  social  innovation  emanates  from  them. 

259.    Our  present  task  is  to  point  out  that  social  innovation 
innovation  has  been  largely  due  to  this  form  of  social  through  the 

0     J  leisure  class. 

inequality.  Not  wholly,  however,  and  it  is  only  nec- 
essary that  the  primary  wants  be  supplied  without 
exhausting  the  social  energy  for  it  to  crop  out  in  the 
form  of  innovation.  Physical  wants  must  be  sup- 
plied, and  most  of  this  energy  is  thus  expended,  but 
everything  goes  to  show  that  the  moment  this  is  done 
this  energy  overflows  in  the  direction  of  doing  some- 
thing new.  This  overflow,  too,  takes  all  conceivable 
forms,  and   by  far  the  greater    part  of  it  is  utterly 


220  Dynamic  Principles 

wasted,  often  more  than  wasted.  One  only  needs  to 
read  Professor  Veblen's  book1  to  see  that  this  is  so. 
It  only  helps  to  emphasize  two  truths :  the  non-eco- 
nomical character  of  all  of  nature's  processes,  and  the 
small  amount  of  energy  that  really  makes  for  evolu- 
tion or  social  progress.  The  apparently  large  gains 
in  this  direction  are  due  to  the  almost  unlimited  time 
that  there  has  been  in  which  to  realize  them. 

260.  It  is  now  our  task  to  show  not  what  the 
leisure  class  has  done  for  human  progress,  others  have 
already  done  that,  but  more  specifically  how  it  has 
done  it.  Mr.  Veblen  himself  has  given  us  the  key  to 
the  whole  process.  It  is  his  "instinct  of  workman- 
ship," which  is  nothing  more  nor  less  than  the  dy- 
namic principle  of  innovation.  The  odium  of  labor,  as 
he  has  so  ingeniously  shown,  is  something  conventional 
and  artificial.  If  body  or  mind  is  not  fatigued  with 
the  effort  required  to  satisfy  the  needs  of  existence, 
activity  in  either  is  pleasurable.  The  leisure  class 
must  work  or  suffer  ennui.  Normally  they  will  follow 
the  instinct  of  workmanship  and  do  something  useful. 
So  long  as  work  is  respectable,  i.e.,  so  long  as  there  is 
entailed  by  it  no  loss  of  caste,  it  will  be  done.  When 
we  reflect  how  intimately  skilled  labor  is  connected 
with  invention,  who  can  estimate  the  loss  that  the 
world  has  suffered  by  that  pure  conventionality  which 
relegates  all  skilled  labor  to  the  mentally  least-devel- 
oped and  least-equipped  classes  of  society  ?  For 
labor  in  and  of  itself  is  not  dynamic.  Most  of  the 
labor  done  in  the  world  is  purely  static.  It  simply 
reproduces  after  the  set  pattern.     It  multiplies  exact 

1  The  theory  of  the  leisure  class. 


Instinct  of  Workmanship  221 

copies  of  what  has  been  invented.  Such  is  nearly 
all  unskilled  labor  in  all  departments  of  industry. 
Such  is  also  most  so-called  skilled  labor,  for  the 
laborer  only  learns  to  make  or  do  one  thing  over 
and  over  again  in  exactly  the  same  way.  Out- 
side of  his  "  trade  "  he  is  utterly  inefficient,  and  when 
a  new  machine  robs  him  of  his  trade,  he  is  thrown 
out  of  employment  and  has  nothing  that  he  can  do. 
Such,  too,  is  all  menial  service  and  routine  work, 
most  of  the  work  of  women  in  civilized  countries,  the 
eternal  round  of  feeding  and  caring  for  mankind. 
Finally,  most  charity  and  philanthropic  work  is  static, 
and  philanthropists  are  content  to  alleviate  present 
suffering  by  temporary  action,  when  they  know  that 
it  will  have  to  be  done  again  and  again.  Many  such 
would  disparage  a  reformer  who  should  suggest  a 
general  policy  that  would  if  carried  out  prevent  the 
recurrence  of  the  conditions  that  call  for  charity. 
The  usefulness  of  statical  work,  however,  cannot  be 
questioned,  since  through  it  alone  can  the  status  quo 
be  maintained.  It  is  the  conservative  force  of  so- 
ciety, preventing  the  loss  of  the  progress  attained, 
and  it  must  always  absorb  by  far  the  greater  part  of 
all  the  social  energy. 

261.    What,  then,   is   dynamic  action  ?     It  is  that  Final  crite- 
which  goes  beyond  mere  repetition.     It  discovers  new  dynamic 
ways.     It  is  alteration,  modification,  variation.     When  action, 
applied    to    production,  it  produces    according   to    a 
geometrical    instead  of  an  arithmetical    progression. 
But  it  need  not  necessarily  be   invention.     It   may 
be    impulse,   exuberance  and   overflow  of  spirits,  of 
emotion,  of  passion  even,  which  will  not  brook  con- 


222  Dynamic  Principles 

straint,  and  dashes  forward  to  higher  and  greater 
results.  Dynamic  action  is  progressive,  and,  instead 
of  leaving  the  world  in  the  same  condition  as  before, 
leaves  it  in  a  changed,  i.e.,  in  an  improved  condition. 
The  final  criterion  of  a  dynamic  action  is  achievement, 
and  every  innovation,  however  slight,  constitutes  an 
increment  to  the  world's  achievement.  It  is  so  much 
permanently  gained,  it  can  never  be  lost,  and  does 
not  have  to  be  done  again.  It  constitutes  the  means 
of  producing  something  better  than  could  have  been 
produced  before,  and  this  product  is  rendered  per- 
petual by  its  continual  reproduction  through  imitation 
or  social  heredity. 

III.    Conation 

262.  We  may  now  consider  somewhat  briefly  the 
third  dynamic  principle,  or  conation.  For  all  practical 
purposes  this  may  be  considered  as  consisting  of  a 
modification  of  the  surroundings.  It  is  easy  to  con- 
ceive of  an  action  which  should  have  no  such  effect. 
If  the  desire  is  for  something  very  easily  attainable, 
something  practically  in  contact  with  the  individual, 
with  no  intervening  obstacles,  it  would  not  be  adynamic 
action  at  all,  which  is  contrary  to  our  hypothesis. 
But  if  there  are  any  obstacles  or  obstructions  in  the 
way  of  the  satisfaction  of  desire,  the  first  part  of  the 
action  is  to  remove  these,  and  this  modifies  the  sur- 
roundings to  that  extent.  It  is  obvious  that  while 
there  may  be  very  simple  degrees  of  this  condition, 
there  may  be  and  are  also  all  conceivable  degrees  of 
difficulty  and  complexity  in  the  interval  between  the 
desire  and  its  satisfaction.     When  we  consider  devel- 


Conation  223 

oped  man  with  some  capacity  for  "  looking  before 
and  after,"  we  can  readily  see  that  most  of  his  actions 
are  thus  complex,  and  that  very  few  of  his  desires  can 
be  satisfied  without  first  making  considerable  modifica- 
tion in  his  surroundings.  This  quality  increases  with 
his  general  development  and  with  the  increasing  num- 
ber and  growing  complexity  of  his  desires.  When  at 
last  his  desires,  like  those  of  most  civilized  men, 
become  chiefly  spiritual  and  intellectual,  usually  it  is 
necessary  both  to  work  and  to  wait,  and  this  involves 
prolonged  and  intense  activity.  All  this  activity  is 
expended  upon  the  surroundings,  clearing  away 
obstructions  and  preparing  a  smooth  road  to  the  pre- 
destined goal.  The  satisfaction  of  every  such  desire 
works  extensive  changes  in  the  immediate  environ- 
ment, and  a  large  part  of  these  changes  is  permanent, 
contributing  somewhat  in  each  case  to  the  sum  total 
of  civilizing  influences  in  society.  The  principal  form 
that  all  this  takes  is  that  of  creating  means  to  the  end, 
and  such  means  are  permanent  contributions  to  civili- 
zation. They  do  not  merely  serve  the  end  of  the 
individual  who  creates  them,  but  remain  after  he  is 
through  with  them  to  serve  the  ends  of  other  individ- 
uals for  all  time. 

263.    The  effect  of  a  dynamic  action  is  therefore  Transforma- 

i  •    n  r  7  •  tt  •  tion  of  the 

chiefly  to  transform  the  environment.  It  we  examine  environ. 
this  principle  closely,  we  shall  see  that,  within  a  legiti-  ment. 
mate  extension  of  the  terms,  all  social  progress  con- 
sists in  transforming  the  environment.  This  is  true 
not  only  of  simple  material  progress,  where  this  is 
obvious,  covering  as  it  does  all  economic  and  indus- 
trial operations,  but  also  of  all  aesthetic,  moral,  and 


224  Dynamic  Principles 

intellectual  operations.  It  is,  indeed,  difficult  to  sepa- 
rate these,  because  the  latter  are  to  so  large  a  degree 
dependent  upon  the  former ;  but  even  if  we  succeed 
in  doing  this,  at  least  in  thought,  still  these  higher 
spiritual  operations  wholly  abstracted  from  their  mate- 
rial base,  constitute  transformations  of  the  environ- 
ment in  a  very  proper  sense.  These  furnish  not  only 
the  most  important  of  such  transformations,  but  also 
the  most  enduring  of  them.  For  civilization  consists 
in  human  achievement,  and  the  great  achievements 
of  mankind  are  not  material  but  spiritual  ;  material 
things  are  fleeting  and  evanescent,  while  spiritual 
things  are  lasting  and  indestructible.  Still  it  must 
not  be  forgotten  that  these  permanent  contributions 
to  civilization  are  simply  the  means  by  which  trans- 
formations in  the  material  environment  in  the  interest 
of  man  can  be  wrought,  and  their  value  consists  in 
the  quality  of  enabling  man  to  work  such  transforma- 
tions constantly  and  for  all  time.  We  may  therefore 
say  that  the  dynamic  effect  of  an  action  consists  in 
that  permanent  transformation  of  the  environment 
which  constitutes  human  achievement. 
Social  prog-  264.  Looking  still  deeper  into  the  nature  of  this 
dynamic  effect  of  action,  it  is  perceived  that  it  is  not 
the  effect  desired  or  intended  by  the  agent.  The 
furtherance  of  social  progress  is  not  only  a  matter  of 
complete  indifference  to  him,  but  it  is  for  the  most 
part  undesired,  unintended,  and  unknown  by  him. 
Except  in  the  most  highly  developed  and  most  ad- 
vanced and  enlightened  of  all  men,  progress,  as  we 
have  seen,  is  not  only  undesirable,  but  odious  and 
detestable,  so  that  the  greater  part  of  all  progress, 


ress  not 
desired. 


Progress  not  Desired  225 

both  in  the  past  and  present,  has  taken  place  and  is 
taking  place  in  opposition  to  the  desires  of  men  and 
in  spite  of  the  universal  conservatism  and  misoneism 
of  mankind.  This  is  true  of  all  progress  produced  by 
the  cross  fertilization  of  cultures,  it  is  true  of  progress 
through  innovation,  and  it  is  true  of  progress  through 
conation.  It  is  the  natura  natnrans,  the  mysterious 
power  of  nature  working  for  ends  beyond  the  reach 
of  human  wisdom.  It  is  the  mission  of  true  science 
to  lift  the  veil  and  peer  behind  it  into  the  workings  of 
this  power,  and  so  far  as  may  be  to  discover  the  prin- 
ciples and  formulate  the  laws  of  these  unconscious  and 
deep-lying  dynamic  agencies. 

265.    If    now  we    look    squarely  at   this    dynamic  Effort  the 
effect  of  action,  we  shall  see  that  the  quantity  of  the  dy.namic 

n  J  principle. 

result  is  measured  by  the  amount  of  effort  put  forth, 
so  that  the  essence  of  the  principle  is  effort.  The 
greater  the  obstacles  to  be  removed  the  greater  the 
effort  required.  The  more  difficult  the  end  is  of 
attainment  the  more  elaborate  will  be  the  means  nec- 
essary to  secure  the  end.  The  more  remote  the  end 
the  longer  is  it  necessary  to  work  in  order  to  reach  it, 
and  all  the  work  done  in  this  time  consists  in  trans- 
forming the  environment  in  the  interest  of  progress. 
In  every  case  it  is  effort  that  produces  the  effect,  and 
the  quantity  of  the  effect  will  depend  upon,  and  be 
roughly  proportional  to  the  quantity  of  effort.  Of 
course  the  quality  has  also  to  be  taken  into  the 
account,  and  if  the  effort  is  chiefly  mental,  especially 
if  it  is  inventive,  the  dynamic  effect  is  far  greater,  and 
seems  out  of  proportion  to  the  effort.  Effort  is  there- 
fore the  dynamic  principle,  and  the  term  conation  means 

Q 


226  Dynamic  Principles 

the  same.  Not  that  all  efforts  are  necessarily  dynamic, 
for  the  word  is  often  loosely  used.  In  such  case, 
conation  and  effort  would  not  be  strictly  synonymous, 
and  the  latter  term  would  fall  short  of  exactly  defin- 
ing the  principle.  This  principle  of  effort  is  the  same 
in  biology  as  in  sociology,  but  there  is  an  exceedingly 
important  difference  in  the  way  in  which  it  works  in 
the  two  fields.  This  difference  is  expressed  by  the 
formula  already  suggested,  p.  34,  that  in  biology  the 
environment  transforms  the  organism,  while  in  soci- 
ology man  transforms  the  environment.  The  one  is  a 
physiological  effect,  the  other  a  sociological  effect. 

266.  Society  is  the  beneficiary  of  all  the  dynamic 
principles  of  sociology.  The  dynamic  effects  are  so- 
cial effects,  and  the  general  result  is  achievement  and 
social  progress.  But  we  may  look  still  farther  into 
the  process.  However  much  mind  may  enter  into  it, 
the  effort  is  expended  directly  upon  the  material  en- 
vironment. Its  success  in  causing  social  progress  is 
conditioned  upon  the  fundamental  truth  that  matter 
is  dynamic.  In  the  whole  history  of  mankind  it  is 
found  that  effort  expended  upon  matter  has  yielded 
advantageous  results.  Other  expenditures  of  energy 
have  been  either  statical  or  fruitless.  Expended  in 
coercing  men,  social  energy  yields  no  progressive 
results.  Directed  to  purely  spiritual  things,  it  results 
in  a  weak,  stagnant  civilization,  like  that  of  India. 
Matter  alone  possesses  the  "  promise  and  potency  " 
of  progress,  and  this  has  been  demonstrated  by  the 
enormous  strides  made  by  the  western  civilization 
after  it  had  fairly  commenced  to  concentrate  its  ener- 
gies on  the  material  environment. 


Matter  Dynamic  227 

267.  The  dynamic  property  of  matter  resides  in  Matter  dy- 
its  susceptibility  to  change  under  the  influence  of  namic- 
external  forces.  The  law  of  the  conservation  of 
energy  does  not  affect  this.  That  law  simply  predi- 
cates the  indestructibility  of  matter  and  motion.  The 
quantity  of  matter  and  motion  is  fixed,  but  the  form 
of  matter  and  the  mode  of  motion  are  indefinitely 
variable.  This  establishes  the  indefinite  modifiabil- 
ity  of  all  material  things  and  the  possibility  of  direct- 
ing all  the  forces  of  nature  according  to  the  will  of 
the  agent.  Nature  is  thus  easily  "managed  "  to  the 
extent  that  her  laws  are  understood,  and  there  is  no 
limit  to  the  extent  to  which  the  inexhaustible  forces 
of  nature  may  be  brought  into  the  service  of  man. 
This  is  why  the  material  progress  of  man  has  so 
greatly  outstripped  his  moral  progress,  and  this  is 
what  is  meant  by  the  definition  of  civilization  as  "the 
utilization  of  the  materials  and  forces  of  nature." 
Matter  is  for  man,  endowed  with  intelligence  and  in- 
spired by  science,  a  veritable  lamp  of  Aladdin,  which 
he  need  but  rub,  and,  as  if  by  magic,  all  things  take 
on  the  forms  of  utility  and  cast  themselves  at  his 
feet. 

REFERENCES   TO  WARD'S   OTHER  WORKS 

Dynamic  sociology.  Topics  in  Index,  volume  II:  Artificial;  Cir- 
cumstances ;  Conation  ;  Effort ;  Ennui ;  Environment ;  Lei- 
sure;  Matter;  Method  of  conation  ;  Reform. 

Psychic  factors.  Index  :  Artificial ;  Conation  ;  Ennui ;  Envi- 
ronment. 

Pure  sociology.     Chapter  XI,  pp.  240-255. 

Article.     Moral  and  material  progress  contrasted. 


PART    IV 

ORIGIN    AND    NATURE   OF   THE 
TELIC   AGENT 

'    CHAPTER  XVI 

THE   DIRECTIVE  AGENT 

Introduction.  —  268.  Social  progress.  269.  The  pessimistic  attitude. 
270.   The  error  of  pessimism. 

I.  The  Objective  Faculties.  —  271.  Classification  of  sensations. 
272.  Indifferent  sensation.  273.  Sensation.  274.  Steps  in  the 
mental  process. 

II.  Control  of  the  Dynamic  Age?it.  —  275.  The  two  agencies  of  society. 
276.  The  genetic  and  the  telic  methods  contrasted.  277.  The  two 
classes  of  social  phenomena. 

III.  The  Final  Cause.  —  278.  The  efficient  cause.  279.  The  final 
cause.     280.    Telesis.     281.   Thought  utilizing  force. 

IV.  The  Method  of  Mind.  —  282.  Prodigality  of  nature.  283.  Telic 
economy.     284.    Importance  of  the  directive  agent. 

Introduction 

Social  2^8.    In  considering  what  progress  has  heretofore 

progress.  been  made  by  man,  it  may  be  willingly  admitted  that 
the  most  advanced  state  that  has  been  reached,  even 
by  the  highest  social  types,  is  still  far  from  ideal, 
still  low,  compared  with  what  liberal  minds  are  ca- 
pable of  conceiving.  Still  it  would  everywhere  be 
found  that  the  conditions  of  human  life  have  been  in 


The   Error  of  Pessimism  229 

process  of  mitigation  for  a  long  period.  Great  prog- 
ress has  been  made  in  art,  invention,  and  in  altru- 
ism ;  nor  would  any  one  deny  the  broad  movement  of 
intellectual  progress.  It  is  the  characteristic  mark 
of  all  modern  civilization,  and  even  those  who  deny 
its  influence  in  bettering  mankind  never  question  the 
enormous  strides  that  knowledge,  science,  and  the 
practical  arts  have  made. 

269.  Yet,  on  the  other  hand,  philosophic  pessimism  Thepessi- 
has  taught  us  to  look  the  facts  of  life  in  the  face,  and  !™stlc  attl" 

°  '  tude. 

to  see  and  acknowledge  the  truth  of  man's  condition 
and  his  relation  to  the  universe.  So  long  as  we  do 
not  exaggerate,  so  long  as  these  relations,  however 
bad,  are  the  true  relations,  no  possible  harm  can  come 
of  knowing  and  realizing  the  truth.  It  is  the  only 
healthy  attitude ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  igno- 
rance of  this  truth  or  the  refusal  to  avow  it  is  fatal  to 
progress,  seeing  that  there  are  as  many  things  that 
retard  as  there  are  that  advance  the  race,  and  human 
progress  seems  to  be  adjusted  so  as  to  defeat  itself. 

270.  But  it  will  not  do  to  stop  here.     It  is  not  The  error  oi 
enough  merely  to  learn  that  things  are  bad.     In  fact,  Pessimlsm- 
the  chief  error  of  pessimism  is  its  failure  to  teach  the 

true  lesson  for  human  society.  There  is  no  room  for 
social  Micawbers.  Whatever  "  turns  up  "  must  be 
turned  up.  The  passive  attitude  is  suicidal.  This 
folding  of  the  arms  and  resignation  to  fate  is  certain 
to  meet  its  fate.  Action  is  the  true  logic  of  science, 
and  only  by  busy  brains  and  busy  hands  can  the 
recognized  evils  of  the  world  be  lessened  or  removed. 
We  must  enlarge  our  knowledge  by  an  actual  investi- 
gation of  the  facts  that  lie   within  our  reach.     We 


230  The   Directive  Agent 

must  study  the  tangible,  visible,  demonstrable  world 
and  find  out  what  it  contains.  We  know  that  in  the 
process  of  evolution  man  has  been  evolved,  the  only 
being  who  is  endowed  with  life,  feeling,  and  intellect, 
the  only  being  who  is  self-conscious,  rational,  and 
intelligent.  If,  then,  humanity  as  a  whole  is  ever  to 
eliminate  the  evils  of  life  and  to  accelerate  the 
movement  of  social  progress,  it  must  be  through 
the  intellect  of  man,  the  directive  agent,  which  guides 
and  directs  the  dynamic  agent  centered  in  the  feel- 
ings. This  directive  agent,  therefore,  must  now  be 
discussed. 

I.    The  Objective  Faculties 

The  dynamic  agent  resides  entirely  in  the  subjec- 
tive faculties  of  mind,  and  thus  far  attention  has  been 
wholly  concentrated  on  those  faculties.  The  directive 
agent  resides  exclusively  in  the  objective  faculties, 
and  we  have  now  to  concentrate  our  attention  on 
these  faculties  and  to  search  after  their  true  nature. 
Classification  271.  The  classification  of  sensations  is  the  most 
ofsensations.  funcjamental  of  all  considerations  relative  to  mental 
phenomena.  The  duality  of  mind  begins  here,  and 
the  two  great  trunks  that  diverge  from  this  point 
never  again  approach  each  other,  but  always  remain 
distinct.  The  two  kinds  of  sensation,  distinguished 
as  intensive  sensation  and  indifferent  sensation,  form 
the  two  primary  roots  of  the  mind,  the  subjective 
root  and  the  objective  root,  and  from  this  origin  the 
two  trunks  rise  as  if  separate  and  independent  trees. 
By  intensive  sensation  we  must  understand  that  form 
of  sensation  which    constitutes    an    interest   for   the 


sensation. 


Sensation  231 

organism,  and  which  must  therefore  be,  to  however 
slight  a  degree,  agreeable  or  the  reverse,  and  thus 
calculated  to  prompt  action.  Out  of  this  grew  the 
whole  affective  and  motor  side  of  mind  constituting 
the  dynamic  agent. 

272.  We  have  now  to  do  with  the  other  kind  of  indifferent 
sensation  called  indifferent,  and  we  shall  find  that 
out  of  this  has  grown  the  entire  objective,  intellectual, 
or  noetic  department  of  mind.  For  example,  the 
sense  of  touch  is  so  constituted  that  it  is  often  possi- 
ble to  experience  very  distinct  and  vivid  sensations 
that  are  neither  pleasurable  nor  painful  in  the  slight- 
est degree.  Probably  every  point  on  the  surface  of 
the  body  is  capable  of  such  sensations,  but  some 
parts  are  far  more  susceptible  to  them  than  others,  as, 
for  example,  the  ends  or  "balls"  of  the  fingers  as 
compared  with  the  back  of  the  hand  or  even  the 
corresponding  parts  of  the  toes.  It  is  through  these 
sensations  that  are  neither  pleasurable  nor  painful 
that  the  mind  is  able  to  distinguish  objects,  i.e.,  that 
it  gains  its  notions  of  the  different  properties  of 
bodies.  This  is  the  important  fact.  Intensive  sensa- 
tions do  not  convey  such  notions.  In  fact  it  is 
through  indifferent  sensations  and  through  these 
alone  that  sentient  beings  acquire  all  their  knowledge 
of  the  properties  of  bodies,  and  thus  acquaint  them- 
selves with  the  nature  of  the  external  world.  It  is 
through  them  that  we  are  enabled  to  gain  a  knowl- 
edge of  the  environment,  and  thereby  to  adapt  our- 
selves to  it.  Indifferent  sensation  constitutes  the 
primary  source  of  all  knowledge ;  i.e.,  knowledge  of 
properties  as  distinguished  from  qualities. 


232 


The  Directive  Agent 


Sensation. 


Steps  in  the 
mental 
process  ■ 


273.  An  indifferent  sensation  then  is  a  distinct 
awareness  not  attended  by  any  intensive  quality.  It 
arouses  no  interest,  and  therefore  prompts  no  action. 
In  an  intensive  sensation  the  next  step  is  a  disposition 
to  act.  But  in  an  indifferent  sensation  there  is  no 
such  disposition.  It  is  exactly  here  that  the  two 
great  departments  of  mind  diverge.  Although  indif- 
ferent in  the  sense  of  not  arousing  a  subjective  inter- 
est, the  kind  of  sensation  we  are  now  considering 
does  give  rise  to  a  series  of  psychologic  steps,  but 
they  are  objective,  in  that  they  all  relate  to  the  object 
that  has  impressed  the  sense. 

274.  The  sensation  conveys  to  the  mind  a  notion 
of  the  subject.  Some  property,  if  it  be  only  that  of  re- 
sistance's made  known  to  the  mind.  Every  property 
that  really  causes  a  sensation  is  reported  at  once  to 
the  mind  and  recorded  there.     This  fact  we  shall  call 

perception.  Perception,  then,  is  the  first  objective 
step  in  the  psychologic  process,  and  from  this  fact  it 
seems  appropriate  to  call  the  objective  faculties  of 
the  mind  perceptive,  and  to  use  this  term  as  the  antith- 
esis to  the  term  affective  applicable  to  the  subjective 
faculties.  The  product  of  the  act  of  perception  may 
be  called  a  percept.  As  there  exist  in  the  mind  many 
percepts,  the  next  step  is  to  unite  these  percepts  into 
one,  so  that  there  shall  be  a  state  of  consciousness 
corresponding  to  the  whole  object.  The  process  by 
which  this  is  done  is  called  conception,  and  the  prod- 
uct is  a  conception  of  the  object,  or  a  concept.  The 
next  step  in  the  psychologic  process  is  to  compare 
percepts  and  concepts  and  detect  likenesses  and  dif- 
ferences.   This  process  is  sometimes  called  judgment^ 


The  Mental  Process  233 

and  the  mental  state  corresponding  to  the  act  is  a 
judgment.  Judgment  in  this  sense  is  the  simplest 
form  of  mental  exploration,  and  the  more  complex 
forms  more  properly  receive  the  name  of  ideation, 
the  products  being  ideas,  which  are  creations  of  the 
mind  in  a  very  proper  sense  of  the  word  creation. 
Reasoning  is  simply  a  more  complex  form  of  idea- 
tion. The  highest  form  of  reasoning  is  generalization, 
whereby  the  larger  conceptions  and  the  conclusions 
or  deductions  from  the  widest  inductions  are  grouped 
into  still  higher  laws  and  truths  and  the  maximum 
unity  is  attained  in  the  operations  of  mind. 

Such  is  a  brief  sketch  of  the  nature  of  the  direc- 
tive agent  with  a  view  solely  to  distinguishing  it 
clearly  from  the  dynamic  agent. 

II.    Control  of  the  Dynamic  Agent 

275.  The  two  great  agents  or  agencies  of  society  The  two 
are  the  dynamic  and  the  directive.  In  previous  chap-  s^ciety^0 
ters  we  have  dealt  solely  with  the  propelling  force  of 
society,  comparable  to  the  wind  that  fills  the  sails  or 
the  steam  power  that  turns  the  screw  of  a  vessel  at 
sea.  We  have  found  an  abundance  of  this  power, 
and  we  have  seen  what  results  it  has  accomplished. 
But  the  social  forces  are  natural  forces  and  obey 
mechanical  laws.  They  are  blind  impulses.  This  is 
as  true  of   the  spiritual    as  of  the    physical  forces. 

The  directive  agent  is  not  a  force,  and  yet  it  has 
immense  influence.  The  dynamic  agent  seeks  its  end 
directly,  but  the  essential  characteristic  of  the  directive 
agent  is  that  it  seeks  its  end  through  means.     It  is 


^34 


The  Directive  Agent 


The  genetic 
and  the  telic 
methods 
contrasted. 


to  be  compared  to  the  helm  of  a  ship,  or  rather  to 
the  man  at  the  helm,  or  to  a  pilot.  Clearly  to  see 
that  this  is  not  a  force  we  have  only  to  imagine  the 
ship  becalmed.  It  matters  not  how  skillful  the  helms- 
man, he  is  powerless  without  the  propelling  agent. 
And  so  society  would  instantly  stop  in  its  whole  career 
should  the  dynamic  agent  —  the  wants  and  passions 
of  men  —  fail  for  any  cause,  and  cease  to  propel  the 
social  bark.  Nevertheless,  social  evolution  must  al- 
ways remain  on  a  comparatively  low  plane  unless 
raised  to  a  higher  level  and  guided  to  better  things 
by  the  directive  agent  —  the  rational  faculty  of  man. 
276.  The  restraint  and  control  of  social  energy  is 
therefore  the  only  condition  to  social  evolution.  All 
true  forces  are  in  themselves  essentially  centrifugal 
and  destructive.  There  are  two  ways  in  which  the 
social  energy  has  been  controlled  ;  the  one,  an  uncon- 
scious process,  is  that  by  which  all  social  structures 
have  been  formed.  The  conscious  method  remains 
to  be  considered.  It  is  the  telic  method  or  social 
telesis.  Through  the  unconscious  or  genetic  method 
—  social  genesis — all  the  fundamental  social  struc- 
tures or  human  institutions  were  formed,  and  under 
the  operations  of  the  several  dynamic  principles  con- 
sidered in  chapter  XV,  these  structures  were  enabled 
to  change,  and  social  progress  was  made  possible. 
Moreover,  through  the  several  sociogenetic  forces, 
though  still  genetic,  a  certain  degree  of  socialization 
was  achieved  and  civilization  was  carried  forward  to 
a  certain  stage.  It  only  required  the  addition  of  the 
telic  or  directive  agent  to  make  possible  all  the  higher 
steps  that  have  been  taken  practically  in  the  same 


The  Final  Cause  235 

direction.  Throughout  all  the  earlier  stages  of  man's 
prehistoric,  and  even  of  his  early  historic  career,  this 
telic  faculty  was  so  exclusively  egoistic,  and  so  com- 
pletely an  adjunct  to  and  servant  of  the  dynamic 
agent  or  human  will,  that  it  accomplished  little  more 
than  to  heighten  and  strengthen  man's  fierce  pas- 
sions;  sometimes,  as  in  the  subjection  of  woman,  its 
effect  was  positively  retrogressive,  at  least  for  a  time. 
All  through  man's  early  history,  therefore,  and  to  a 
large  extent  throughout  his  later  history  and  in  the 
most  advanced  stages  of  society,  the  group  reason 
has  been  compelled  to  counteract  these  effects,  and 
has  constructed  vast  systems  of  religion  and  govern- 
ment to  this  end. 

277.    If,  then,  we  take  a  comprehensive  view  of  all  The  two 
the  phenomena  of  society,  we  will  see  that  they  fall  ^^s  of 
under  two  radically  distinct  classes:  (1)  the  purely  phenomena 
spontaneous  or  natural    phenomena  of   society  pro- 
duced by  the  dynamic  agent,  and  (2)  the  phenomena 
that  result  from  intention  or  design,  which   are  the 
products  of  the  directive  agent  in  the  sense  that  but 
for  the  directive  agent  they  would  not   have  taken 
place.     The  social  forces  left  to  themselves  blindly 
impel   or  propel   mankind,  and    the  world    drifts  as 
aimlessly  as  an  iceberg.     The  mission  of  the  directive 
agent   is    to  guide   society  through    no   matter    how 
tortuous  a  channel  to  the  safe  harbor  of  social  pros- 
perity. 

III.    T/ie  Final  Catise 


278.    The  directive  agent  is  a  final  cause.     Genetic  The  efficient 
phenomena  are    produced    by  efficient  causes  only. 


cause. 


cause. 


236  The  Directive  Agent 

In  an  efficient  cause  a  force  acts  upon  a  body  and 
impels  it  in  the  direction  in  which  the  force  acts. 
There  may  be  a  plurality  of  forces  having  different 
intensities  and  acting  in  different  directions,  but  the 
principle  is  not  affected,  and  the  general  effect  will 
always  be  the  exact  resultant  or  algebraic  sum  of  all 
the  forces  involved.  All  natural,  spontaneous,  or 
genetic  phenomena  conform  to  this  law. 
The  final  279.    In  contradistinction  to  this  definition  of  an 

efficient  cause,  a  final  cause  is  always  more  or  less 
remote  from  its  effect  or  end.  This  is  implied  in  the 
term  final.  It  has  been  repeatedly  said  that  the 
directive  agent  is  not  a  force.  It  may  now  be  equally 
said  that  a  final  cause  is  not  a  force.  It  is  not,  how- 
ever, a  simple,  but  a  complex  conception.  No  less 
than  three  things  are  embraced  in  the  idea  of  a  final 
cause.  (1)  The  end  is  seen,  i.e.,  known,  by  the  mind. 
(2)  Some  natural  property  or  force  is  also  known  to 
exist,  and  its  action  upon  the  material  things  to  be 
moved  is  understood.  (3)  This  force  or  property  is 
a  means  to  the  end,  and  it  is  only  necessary  to  adjust 
the  body  to  be  moved  in  such  a  manner  that  the 
known  natural  force  will  impel  it  to  the  perceived 
end.  This  adjustment  is  usually  accomplished  by  the 
exercise  of  muscular  force  of  the  agent  in  obedience 
to  his  will.  Both  the  natural  force  and  the  muscular 
force  are  efficient  causes,  and  all  the  motion  is  the 
result  of  these  two  forces.  The  final  cause  therefore 
consists  essentially  in  the  ktiozvledge  by  the  telic 
agent  of  the  nature  of  the  natural  force  and  the  re- 
lations subsisting  between  the  subject,  the  object,  the 
force,  and  the  end.     This  again  is  the  simplest  case, 


Telesis  237 

but  no  matter  how  complex  the  case  may  be,  it  may 
be  reduced  to  this  simple  form. 

280.  The  three  steps  are :  knowledge,  adjustment,  Telesis,* 
natural  force.      The  last  is  what  "  does  the  work." 
Without  the  knowledge  the  adjustment  would  be  im- 
possible, and  without  the  adjustment  the  force  would 

be  ineffectual.  It  may  then  be  said  that  a  final  cause 
is  the  rational  employment  of  the  means  to  an  end ; 
the  means  is  always  an  efficient  cause,  so  that  final 
causes  consist  in  the  intelligent  command  or  utiliza- 
tion of  efficient  causes  or  the  forces  of  nature.  This 
approaches  very  close  to  the  formula  used  as  a  defini- 
tion of  civilization  :  "  the  utilization  of  the  materials 
and  forces  of  nature,"  and  when  closely  viewed,  it  is 
seen  that  civilization  chiefly  consists  in  the  exercise 
of  the  telic  faculty.  If  we  regard  all  the  forces  of 
nature,  including  even  the  social  forces,  as  so  many 
means  to  the  ends  of  man  and  society,  telesis  becomes 
the  adjustment  of  means  to  ends,  and  all  human  effort 
is  expended  upon  the  means. 

281.  A  final    cause  may  therefore  represent  any  Thought 
amount  of  natural  force  that  the  intellect  of  man  can  utlllzins 

force. 

reduce  to  his  service.  It  is  practically  unlimited. 
The  intellect  has  it  in  its  power  to  subjugate  all 
nature  and  to  reduce  all  the  forces  of  nature  to  the 
condition  of  contributors  to  man's  needs.  How  far 
this  process  can  be  carried  it  is  certainly  too  early  to 
predict,  especially  in  the  light  of  what  has  been  ac- 
complished in  the  last  two  centuries,  chiefly  in  the 
last  one  century.     When  we  consider  how  little  was 

1  See  note  on  this  word,  Ward's  Outlines  of  sociology,  2d  ed.,  1899, 
pp.  180-182. 


23  8 


The  Directive  Agent 


Prodigality 
of  nature. 


Telic 
economy. 


done  in  this  direction  in  all  the  ages  that  preceded 
the  era  of  science,  how  little  all  the  races  of  the 
world,  outside  of  the  one  race  that  leads  the  move- 
ment, have  ever  done,  and  compare  this  with  the 
achievements  of  that  one  race  during  this  brief  space 
of  time,  we  dare  not  attempt  to  peer  into  the  future. 
And  when  we  realize  that  all  this  is  the  result  of 
thought  set  in  the  right  direction  and  devoted  to 
things,  which  are,  as  we  have  seen,  essentially  dy- 
namic, we  may  truly  say  that  thought  is  the  sum  of 
all  forces. 

IV.    The  Method  of  Mind 

282.  The  method  of  mind  is  the  precise  opposite 
of  the  method  of  nature.  The  method  of  nature  with 
unlimited  resources  is  to  produce  an  enormously  re- 
dundant supply  and  trust  the  environment  to  select 
the  best.  This  survival  of  the  fittest  involves  a  sacri- 
fice of  a  great  majority.  It  is  therefore  in  a  high 
degree  wasteful.  Nature  aims  only  at  success,  and 
success  is  secured  through  the  indefinite  multiplica- 
tion of  chances.  All  genetic  processes  are  char- 
acterized by  this  same  prodigality.  Everything 
accomplished  by  nature  is  uneconomical,  irregular, 
and  imperfect.  Nature  works  out  a  few  "  favored  " 
forms  wrought  at  enormous  expense  and  involving 
infinite  sacrifice  of  life  and  energy.  But  it  matters 
nothing,  as  the  resources  of  nature  are  infinite.  Such 
is  the  economy  of  nature,  which  is  simply  the  absence 
of  all  economy. 

283.  The  only  true  economy  is  telic.  Mind  only 
knows  how  to  economize.     Economy  is  possible  only 


The  Method  of  Mind  239 

through  prevision.  Mind  sees  the  end  and  pursues 
it.  True  economy  harnesses  the  forces  of  nature  and 
simply  guides  them  to  the  foreseen  end.  Knowledge 
gives  foresight,  and  foresight  dictates  the  proper 
steps.  In  telic  action  there  is  no  waste,  or  at  least 
the  waste  is  reduced  to  the  minimum  for  the  given 
state  of  any  science,  with  the  prospect  of  progressive 
reduction  as  the  science  and  skill  advance.  Noetic 
phenomena  are  far  more  rapid  than  genetic.  It 
requires  millions  of  years  to  produce  an  organic 
structure.  Social  structures,  even  the  purely  genetic 
ones,  grow,  evolve,  and  change  far  more  rapidly  than 
organic  structures.  But  telic  structures  are  compara- 
tively of  mushroom  growth.  How  brief  is  the  life  of 
the  factory,  the  steamship,  the  railway,  the  telegraph, 
and  the  telephone !  Yet  most  of  these  are  giants, 
and  if  they  do  not  stay,  it  will  be  because  a  superior 
substitute  will  take  their  places.  The  law  of  telic 
phenomena  seems  to  be  a  geometrical  progression, 
every  new  structure  breeding  a  brood  of  younger  and 
better  ones. 

284.    Such  is  the  method  of  mind,  and  in  its  upward  importance 
reaches  it  attains  enormous    complexity.     It  is  said  directive 
that  intellectual  operations  cannot  be  predicted.     Still  agent, 
they  are  subject  to  a  few  of  the  most  general  laws. 
They  have  in  the  later  stages  of  social  evolution  come 
to  constitute  so  large  a  factor  that  they  have  wholly 
frustrated  the  plans  of  the  political  economists  who 
refused    to    reckon  with  them.     Sociology  must  not 
make  this  mistake,  and  all  systems  that  ignore  the 
directive  agent  are  doomed  to  the  same  failure  that 
has  attended  the  political  economy  that  was  based  on 


240  The  Directive  Agent 

the  "economic  man."  Both  economics  and  sociology 
have  a  psychologic  basis,  but  that  basis  is  as  broad  as 
mind  itself.  Not  only  must  all  the  interests  of  men, 
including  their  cerebral  interests,  be  recognized,  but 
the  faculties  upon  which  the  highest  types  of  men 
chiefly  rely  for  the  certain  success  of  those  interests 
—  the  objective  faculties — must  be  equally  recognized 
and  thoroughly  understood. 

REFERENCES  TO  WARD'S  OTHER  WORKS 

Dynamic  sociology.  Chapters  VIII  to  XI  inclusive.  Topics  in 
Index,  volume  II :  Causes;  Instinct:  Mind;  Nature,  economics 
of;  Sensation — Senses;  Teleological —  Teleology. 

Psychic  factors :  Introduction.  Chapters  I  to  V  inclusive,  and 
XX,  XXXIII.  Index:  Causation;  Causes;  Directive  agent; 
Economics  —  Economy;  Genetic;  Instinct;  Judgment;  Mind; 
Nature  ;  Natural ;  Perception  ;  Sensation  ;  Subjective. 

Pure  sociology.     Chapter  XVI. 

Articles.     Status  of  the  mind  problem. 

Psychologic  basis  of  social  economics.     The  natural  storage 

of  energy. 


CHAPTER   XVII 

THE   GENESIS   OF   MIND 

285.  The  intellect.  286.  (1)  Indifferent  Sensation.  287.  (2)  Ten- 
tation  and  Intuition.  288.  (3)  Intuitive  Perception.  (4)  Intuitive 
Reason  :  289.  What  is  meant  by  animal  reason.  290.  Illustrations 
of  intuitive  reasoning.  (5)  Indirection:  291.  Meaning  of  the 
term.  292.  The  ruse.  (6)  Moral  Indirection :  293.  Principal 
forms  of  deception  :  294.  Against  animals.  295.  Against  inferior 
human  beings.  296.  In  various  kinds  of  occupations.  297.  In 
national  and  social  life.     298.   The  intent  and  the  end. 

285.  It  is  evident  that  until  the  objective  faculties  The  intellect 
are  accounted  for  on  natural  principles  there  is  no 
such  thing  as  a  science  of  psychology.  Those  who 
fail  thus  to  account  for  them  and  still  talk  of  the 
"science  of  mind  "  are  wholly  inconsistent.  There 
is  no  science  of  what  is  unaccountable.  Now  the 
subjective  and  objective  faculties  have  frequently 
been  spoken  of  as  constituting  the  two  great  branches 
of  mind  in  its  full  sense.  It  would  have  been  better, 
and  even  more  scientifically  correct,  to  regard  the 
objective  faculties  as  a  branch  of  the  subjective  con- 
sidered as  the  main  trunk. 

The  objective  faculties  grew  out  of  the  subjective. 
The  intellect  was  at  first  only  a  servant  of  the  will,  a 
means  to  the  attainment  of  the  end  of   the  feeling 
r  241 


242  The  Genesis  of  Mind 

being.  Its  purpose  was  not  to  restrain  and  curb 
desire  but  to  lead  it  to  success.  It  is,  as  it  were,  a  sort 
of  "accident,"  that  came  into  the  world  at  a  late  and 
comparatively  modern  date,  and  for  the  greater  part 
of  its  career  held  the  position  of  vassal  to  that  feudal 
lord,  the  will,  which  it  not  only  served  in  abject  sub- 
mission, but,  as  we  shall  see,  did  not  hesitate  to  stoop 
to  acts  of  the  meanest  class  and  do  the  henchman's 
work  of  dark  deeds  and  sinister  practices.  Let  us 
now  trace  the  origin  and  development  of  this  all- 
important  agent. 

(1)   Indifferent  Sensation 

286.  In  the  last  chapter  the  importance  of  the  two 
kinds  of  sensation,  intensive  and  indifferent,  was 
pointed  out.  It  now  requires  to  be  noted  that  this 
distinction  constitutes  an  initial  step  in  the  genesis 
of  the  objective  faculties.  The  lowest  sentient  beings 
are  destitute  of  it  and  really  have  no  need  of  any  but 
intensive  sensations,  leading  them  to  what  is  good 
for  them  and  driving  them  away  from  what  is  injuri- 
ous, i.e.,  they  only  need  to  know  the  qualities  of  ob- 
jects. But  very  early  it  becomes  advantageous  to  a 
creature,  independently  of  pleasure  or  pain,  to  gain  a 
notion  of  the  properties  of  certain  leading  constitu- 
ents of  its  environment.  This  advantage  is  seized 
upon  by  the  principle  of  natural  selection,  and  those 
forms  that  acquire  the  power  of  discrimination  among 
the  objects  with  which  they  come  in  contact  have 
their  chances  of  survival  increased,  and  ultimately 
survive  while  the  other  class  die  out. 


The  Properties  of  Objects  243 

(2)    Tentation  and  Intuition 

287.  The  simple  power  of  beholding  objects,  not 
necessarily  through  an  organ  of  sight,  it  may  be 
only  tactual,  is  intuition.  Its  importance  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  organs  for  this  purpose  are  devel- 
oped in  so  many  very  low  organisms.  They  are  not 
eyes  at  first,  but  sensitized  areas,  or  specialized  ends 
of  tentacles,  both  of  which  ultimately  become  eyes. 
With  the  initial  development  of  objective  feeling  — 
feeling  that  is  neither  good  nor  evil,  but  simply  ac- 
quaints—  the  creature  begins  to  explore  its  envi- 
ronment. Life  becomes  a  series  of  more  or  less 
random  trials.  It  is  the  stage  of  exploration  or 
tentative  stage.  This  initial  faculty  might  be  called 
tentation.  Throughout  all  geologic  ages,  and  in  the 
existing  condition  of  the  earth,  there  have  always 
been  humble  aquatic  creatures,  both  marine  and 
fresh  water,  whose  lives  are  spent  practically  in  the 
groping,  exploring,  tentative  stage  of  activity.  The 
only  rudiment  of  a  rational  faculty  that  they  possess 
is  this  faculty  of  tentation,  or  the  somewhat  more 
developed  power  of  intuition,  by  which  they  dis- 
tinguish good  from  evil,  food  from  enemies,  and 
which  at  least  guides  their  movements  in  the  direc- 
tion toward  the  former  and  from  the  latter.  It  is 
the  simplest  of  all  forms  of  awareness  applied  to  the 
most  practical  of  objects. 

(3)  Intuitive  Perceptioti 

288.  We  have  already  seen  that  objective  feeling 
leads  to  perception.     This  is  the  only  source  of  a 


244  The  Genesis  of  Mind 

knowledge  of  properties,  while  subjective  feeling 
reveals  only  qualities.  But  the  primordial  mind  used 
this  faculty  solely  for  practical  purposes,  and  the 
properties  possessed  by  the  irregularities  of  the  sea- 
bottom  or  of  the  surface  of  the  land  in  case  of  ter- 
restrial beings,  only  concerned  such  beings  in  so  far 
as  they  facilitated  or  obstructed  the  pursuit  of  food 
and  mates.  Most  of  these  properties  are  simply 
relations,  but  they  are  relations  among  material  ob- 
jects having  permanence,  hardness,  resistance,  im- 
penetrability, and  for  such  creatures  immovability. 
They  must  be  avoided,  surmounted,  circumnavigated, 
or  got  around  in  some  way,  and  the  action  or  move- 
ments necessary  to  accomplish  this  could  not  be 
performed  without  the  power  of  perceiving  these 
relations  and  adjusting  activities  accordingly.  Hence 
the  primitive  advantageous  form  of  perception  was 
the  perception  of  relations,  and  the  faculty  of  percep- 
tion was  developed  through  the  elimination  of  those 
that  failed  to  "take  in"  their  situation  and  the 
survival  of  those  that  succeeded  in  taking  it  in. 
This  form  of  perception  may  be  distinguished  as 
intuitive  perception.  It  is  strictly  egoistic,  and,  al- 
though an  objective  faculty,  it  is  intimately  connected 
with  subjective  needs.  In  fact,  it  exists  only  for  its 
subjective  value  in  better  preparing  its  possessor  to 
attain  its  subjective  ends.  It  is  a  clear  example  both 
of  the  impossibility  of  any  faculty  coming  into  exist- 
ence unless  it  be  thus  advantageous,  and  also  of  how 
the  most  exalted  attributes  may  have  a  humble  and  a 
simple  origin. 


Animal   Reasoning  245 

(4)  Intuitive  Reason 

289.  Like  every  other  faculty,  reason  began  as  an  What  is 
advantageous   faculty.     But    the    primordial    reason  "^f7 
was  not  the   Vernunft  of  Kant.     Animal  reasoning  is  reason. 
not  an  analysis,  but  is  intuitive,  i.e.,  it  is  synthetic. 

It  is,  as  it  were,  seeing  or  intuiting  a  conclusion. 
Its  elements  are  simple.  They  are  the  perceptions 
that  were  last  enumerated.  Having  perceived  prop- 
erties and  relations,  they  now  see,  behold,  or  intuit 
what  follows  from  a  comparison  or  putting  together 
of  several  of  them.  This  they  do  when  it  concerns 
some  interest,  when  it  secures  some  end,  when  it  leads 
to  the  satisfaction  of  desire  or  to  the  avoidance  of 
danger.  It  is  not  deliberative.  It  is  instantaneous. 
Of  course  it  is  only  the  higher  animals  that  manifest 
this  faculty  in  any  marked  degree.  In  most  of  them 
it  is  intimately  connected  with  instinct,  which  for 
those  that  cannot  reason  at  all  serves  the  same  pur- 
pose, but  stops  at  a  much  lower  point. 

290.  Reasoning  of  this  kind,  in  such  animals,  for  illustrations 
example,  as  the  fox,  is  often  exceedingly  acute.     In  °  lntultlve 

"     '  '  &  J  reasoning. 

matters  of  interest  animals  may  be  almost  unerring 
in  their  conclusions.  Even  in  men  it  has  been  uni- 
versally observed  that  reasoning  is  much  more  accu- 
rate when  interests  are  involved  than  in  indifferent 
cases.  Dealers  rarely  make  mistakes  against  them- 
selves. An  illiterate  person  who  knows  nothing  of 
arithmetic  will  know  it  if  underpaid  for  work.  This 
is  intuitive  reasoning  sharpened  by  the  spur  of  inter- 
est. All  reasoning  was  originally  of  this  kind,  and 
the  more  developed  forms  and   refinements    of   the 


246  The   Genesis  of  Mind 

rational  faculty  and  reasoning  process  have  grown 
out  of  this  primordial  trunk,  ignored  by  the  schools. 
It  is  essentially  active  and  aggressive,  and  hence  dy- 
namic and  progressive.  It  seeks  change,  improve- 
ment, and  a  state  of  things  better  and  higher  than 
the  actual  state. 

(5)   Indirection 

Meaning  of  291.  We  have  seen  that  the  directive  agent  is  a 
final  cause  and  that  a  final  cause  is  the  utilization  of 
means  to  an  end.  We  have  now  to  note  that  this  al- 
ways involves  indirection.  The  intuitive  reason  goes 
out  in  all  directions.  Its  earliest  manifestations  must 
have  been  in  connection  with  the  environment  in 
overcoming  obstacles  to  the  accomplishment  of  the 
ends  of  nature,  nutrition  and  reproduction.  For  all 
organisms  that  derive  their  subsistence  wholly  from 
vegetation,  this  practically  holds  throughout  the  series. 
As,  however,  many  even  very  low  animals  are  preda- 
tory and  depend  mainly  or  wholly  on  other  animals 
for  subsistence,  a  radical  difference  arises  in  the 
nature  of  the  objects  of  pursuit  and  in  the  properties 
and  forces  that  the  directive  agent  must  utilize  in 
securing  the  ends  of  the  organism.  The  animals 
preyed  upon  seek  to  escape  from  their  natural  enemies, 
and  the  difficulty  in  procuring  subsistence  on  the  part 
of  the  predatory  species  is  increased. 

The  ruse.  292.    The  form  of  action  primarily  relied  upon  by 

predatory  animals  is  the  ruse.  The  creatures  preyed 
upon  seek  by  every  means  in  their  power  to  escape. 
Having  developed  under  these  conditions  they  have 
acquired  through  natural  selection  the  means  of  doing 


The  Ruse  247 

this  in  the  majority  of  cases, — fleetness,  powers  of 
flight,  burrowing  instincts,  various  means  of  conceal- 
ment, —  and  if  their  natural  enemies  had  to  depend 
upon  direct  pursuit,  they  would  usually  fail  and  could 
not  maintain  a  predatory  subsistence.  But  the  means 
of  attack  have  also  kept  pace  with  the  means  of 
escape,  though  the  predatory  species  have  not  so 
much  relied  upon  fleetness  and  strength  as  upon  cun- 
ning, not  so  much  upon  physical  as  upon  mental 
qualities.  In  the  means  of  offense  and  defense  there 
is  a  close  analogy  between  animal  species  and  nations. 
As  weapons  of  war  improve,  so  do  the  forms  of  armor. 
The  victory  is  not  to  the  strong,  but  to  the  inventive 
nation.  Mind  in  every  case  is  the  chief  element  of 
strength,  and  this  strength  is  always  proportioned  to 
the  degree  to  which  telic  methods  are  employed  and 
the  power  acquired  to  call  nature  to  the  aid  of  muscle 
and  sinew.  Notwithstanding  the  enormous  difference 
between  the  two  planes  of  telic  activity  here  com- 
pared, there  is  absolutely  no  difference  in  the  principle 
involved.  The  ruse  is  the  simplest  form  of  deception, 
and  this  brings  out  the  vital  truth  that  in  so  far  as 
mind  deals  with  sentient  beings  deception  is  its 
essential  nature. 

The  ruse  and  deception  in  general  do  not  call  for 
specially  high  intellectual  powers.  It  is  therefore  not 
surprising  that  predatory  animals,  depending  for  their 
very  existence  upon  other  simple-minded  species  with 
specialized  means  of  escape  in  case  of  open  attack, 
should  soon  develop  the  telic  faculty  in  the  particular 
direction  and  special  form  of  deceiving  and  entrap- 
ping  their  prey.     Instinct  went  a  long  way  on  this 


248 


The  Genesis  of  Mind 


road,  as  in  the  spider's  toils,  and  the  cunning  of  the 
higher  animals  is  so  highly  specialized  and  limited 
that  it  becomes  half  instinct. 


Principal 
forms  of 
deception : 


Against 
animals. 


(6)   Moral  Indirection 

293.  Man,  although  not  probably  developed  out  of 
a  predatory  animal,  found  himself  at  his  origin  en- 
dowed with  ample  powers  of  deception  to  lay  the 
animal  world  under  tribute  to  him,  and  the  two  great 
primitive  stages  of  his  history,  the  venary  and  the 
pastoral  stages,  testify  to  the  extent  to  which  he  made 
use  of  this  simplest  telic  attribute.  But  he  did  not 
stop  with  the  control  and  utilization  of  psychic  forces 
as  manifested  in  the  animal  world.  The  more  cun- 
ning men  and  those  more  favorably  situated  early 
began  the  control  and  utilization  of  the  less  cunning 
and  less  favorably  situated.  Thus  was  begun  the 
era  of  exploitation.  Mr.  Veblen,  with  remarkable 
penetration,  applies  the  term  "  predatory  "  x  to  the 
leisure  class  and  points  out  that  the  methods  of  the 
"  pecuniary  occupations  "  even  to-day  are  at  least 
"quasi-predatory."  The  universality  of  deception  in 
all  mankind  has  been  so  generally  recognized  and  so 
often  illustrated  that  it  is  not  necessary  to  treat  it  in 
detail.  It  will  be  sufficient  to  make  a  rough  analysis 
of  its  principal  forms  arranged  as  nearly  as  practi- 
cable in  the  ascending  order  of  intellectual  develop- 
ment. 

294.  The  cunning  displayed  by  man  in  outwitting 
and  circumventing  animals  is  only  a  step  higher  than 
the  ruse  by  which    predatory  animals    deceive   and 

1  The  theory  of  the  leisure  class,  pp.  209,  336. 


Moral   Indirection  249 

catch  their  prey.  The  purpose  is  primarily  the  same, 
and  hunting,  fishing,  etc.,  are  simple  forms  of  preda- 
tion  among  animals  of  different  powers  of  mind,  man 
being  in  so  far  a  predatory  carnivorous  animal.  But 
when  the  idea  arises,  which  does  not  always  occur  at 
the  same  relative  historic  stage  of  culture,  of  taking 
animals  alive  and  compelling  them  to  serve  their 
captors  in  any  of  the  various  ways  in  which  domestic 
animals  are  made  useful  to  man,  a  slightly  higher 
form  of  telic  action  is  resorted  to.  The  animals  must 
be  tamed.  But  a  full-grown  wild  animal  cannot  be 
tamed.  They  must  be  taken  while  young,  must  be 
left  unharmed  and  supplied  with  food.  In  this  way, 
at  least  after  a  few  generations,  they  become  docile. 
They  may  then  be  induced  to  breed  freely  and  be 
multiplied  at  will.  All  this  requires  considerable  in- 
telligence. 

295.  In  exploiting  men  a  still  higher  exercise  of  Against 
telic  power  is  requisite.  After  the  formation  of  caste,  manbeines 
the  inequalities  among  men  were  greatly  increased, 
and  it  was  easy  for  a  few  of  the  higher  class  to  keep 
the  mass  of  mankind  in  subjection.  This  was  ac- 
complished primarily  of  course  by  force,  but  forms  of 
deception  were  also  constantly  resorted  to.  The  idea 
of  the  essential  inferiority  of  the  subject  class  must 
be  steadily  kept  in  the  minds  of  that  class.  The  least 
suspicion  that  this  was  not  true  would  greatly  disturb 
the  social  state.  It  was  therefore  a  settled  policy  to 
enforce  this  idea,  and  a  great  variety  of  subterfuges 
were  adopted  to  this  end.  At  later  stages,  and  even 
at  the  present  time,  those  artificial  social  inequalities 
which  enable  the  prosperous  classes  to  thrive  at  the 


occupations. 


250  The  Genesis  of  Mind 

expense  of  the  proletariat,  and  of  the  less-favored 
classes  where  no  true  proletariat  exists,  are  chiefly 
maintained  through  the  systematic  deception  of  the 
latter,  and  the  inculcation  through  religious  beliefs, 
when  not  otherwise  possible,  of  the  doctrine  that 
the  existing  social  condition  is  not  only  natural  and 
necessary,  but  divinely  ordained, 
in  various  296.    Deception  may  almost  be  called  the  founda- 

_™„ifx=__.  tion  of  business.  It  is  true  that  if  all  business  men 
would  altogether  discard  it,  matters  would  probably 
be  far  better  even  for  them  than  they  are;  but  taking 
the  human  character  as  it  is,  it  is  frankly  avowed  by 
business  men  themselves  that  no  business  could 
succeed  for  a  single  year  if  it  were  to  attempt  single- 
handed  and  alone  to  adopt  such  an  innovation.  The 
particular  form  of  deception  characteristic  of  business 
is  called  shrewdness,  and  is  universally  considered 
proper  and  upright.  There  is  a  sort  of  code  that  fixes 
the  limit  beyond  which  this  form  of  deception  must 
not  be  carried,  and  those  who  exceed  that  limit  are 
looked  upon  somewhat  as  is  a  pugilist  who  "  hits 
below  the  belt."  But  within  those  limits  every  one 
expects  every  other  to  suggest  the  false  and  suppress 
the  true,  while  caveat  emptor  is  lord  of  all,  and  "  the 
devil  take  the  hindmost."  In  politics  the  practice  of 
deception  does  not  differ  as  much  as  is  generally 
supposed  from  that  of  business.  While  principle  is 
loudly  proclaimed  from  the  stump,  interest  lies  behind 
it  all.  Back  of  the  politician  and  demagogue  lie  the 
"vested  interests,"  and  these  it  is  that  are  "making 
public  opinion."  It  is  customary  in  these  days  to 
laud    the    newspaper ;    but,    except    for    the    little 


Forms  of  Deception  251 

news  that  it  contains,  which  is  to  its  managers  a 
secondary  consideration,  the  newspaper  is  simply  an 
organ  of  deception.  Every  prominent  newspaper 
is  the  defender  of  some  interest,  and  everything 
it  says  is  directly  or  indirectly  (and  most  effect- 
ive when  indirect)  in  support  of  that  interest.  We 
might  take  up  the  legal  and  the  medical  professions 
and  we  would  there  find  the  same  general  fact  — 
systematic  deception. 

297.  The  form  of  deception  used  in  warfare  is  called  in  national 
strategy,  and  the  kind  that  nations  practice  is  known  *"d  social 
as  diplomacy.     There  is  collective  deception  as  well 

as  individual  deception.  There  is  deception  in  the 
home  and  deception  in  the  church.  Fashionable 
society  consists  largely  in  sham;  quackery  is  found  in 
the  professions  and  charlatanism  in  scientific  bodies ; 
falsehood  permeates  business,  and  most  advertise- 
ments are  in  the  nature  of  intentional  deceptions. 

298.  It   must   not  be  supposed  that  there  is  any  The  intent 
malicious  intent  in  this  universal  deception  and  ex-  and  the  end" 
ploitation  that  characterize   the   application  of   telic 
methods    to    sentient   things.     Neither   animals   nor 

men  cause  others  pain  for  the  mere  love  of  it.  It  is 
only  that  creatures  susceptible  to  pain  get  in  the  way 
of  irresistible  natural  forces  and  suffer  accordingly. 
The  lava  that  rolls  down  the  sides  of  a  Vesuvius  or  a 
Mont  Pelee  is  not  deterred  by  the  presence  at  the 
base  of  a  Pompeii  or  a  St.  Pierre.  It  is  about  the 
same  with  the  vital  and  psychic  forces  that  impel 
living  beings.  The  end  is  the  sole  consideration. 
If  that  can  be  attained  without  causing  pain,  it  is  the 
same  to  the  agent.      There  is  no  particular  reason 


252  The  Genesis  of  Mind 

why  the  telic  method  should  be  applied  to  feeling 
beings  rather  than  to  insentient  and  inanimate  things. 
If  such  an  exercise  of  mind  promises  the  same  results, 
it  will  be  adopted.  But  the  exploitation  of  other 
living  things  is  simple  and  about  the  first  thing  to 
suggest  itself. 

REFERENCES   TO  WARD'S  OTHER  WORKS 

Dynamic  sociology.  Chapter  XII.  Topics  in  Index,  volume  II : 
Deception;  Ends;  Indirect;  Reason;  Reasoning. 

Psychic  factors.  Chapters  XXI  to  XXVI,  and  XXXII.  Index  : 
Common  sense;  Cunning;  Deception;  Ends;  Indirect;  In- 
direction ;  Intellect — Intelligence  ;  Intuition ;  Intuitive  ;  Object ; 
Reason. 

Pure  sociology.     Chapter  XVII,  pp.  475-488. 


CHAPTER   XVIII 

THE   GENESIS   OF   MIND   {Continued) 

(7)  Material  Indirection :  299.  Ingenuity.  300.  Invention.  (8) 
Inventive  Genius:  301.  The  characteristic  of  genius.  302.  In- 
struction in  invention.     303.    (9)     Creative  Genius. 

(10)  Philosophic  Genius:  304.  In  origin  advantageous.  305.  The 
emancipation  of  the  intellect.  306.  Beginnings  of  philosophy. 
307.  Phenomena  of  mind.  308.  The  study  of  the  cosmos.  309.  Its 
results.  310.  Observation.  311.  The  scientific  spirit.  312.  The 
philosophic  spirit.  313.  Scientific  genius.  314.  The  non-advan- 
tageous faculties. 

(7)   Material  Indirection 

The  exploitation,  we  might  almost  say  deception, 
of  inanimate  nature  requires  a  higher  development 
of  the  telic  faculty.  Material  things  do  not  move  of 
themselves.  Their  properties  are  hidden  and  must 
be  searched  for.  Physical  forces  are  invisible  and 
intangible, and  their  utilization  is  an  exclusively  human 
power.  Animals  do  not  attain  to  the  stage  of  imagi- 
nation which  constitutes  the  common  parent  of  both 
creation  and  invention.  It  is  the  basis  of  and  con- 
dition to  both  the  great  institutions  that  we  call  art  — 
fine  art  and  useful  art. 

299.    The  exercise  of  the  telic  faculty  upon  material  ingenuity, 
things  and    physical  forces,  though  not    psychologi- 
cally different  from  its  exercise  upon  living  things,  is 

253 


254  The   Genesis  of  Mind 

no  longer  called  deception,  and  none  of  the  terms 
employed  in  describing  the  different  forms  of  de- 
ception —  ruse,  cunning,  sagacity,  tact,  shrewdness, 
strategy,  diplomacy  —  are  applicable  to  it.  The  iden- 
tically same  psychic  process  is  now  called  ingenuity, 
and  the  more  involved  forms  of  ingenuity  result  in 
invention.  Ingenuity  is  the  faculty,  while  invention 
is  the  act,  and  the  term  is  also  used  for  the  thing  in- 
vented. Ingenuity  and  inventiveness  are  nearly  sy- 
nonymous. But  ingenuity  was  not  at  its  inception  a 
disinterested  faculty.  Man  was  seeking  to  utilize 
everything  whether  animate  or  inanimate  that  could 
serve  his  ends.  Some  material  objects  were  nutri- 
tious and  he  could  appropriate  them  directly,  others 
must  be  altered  or  modified  and  the  nutrient  elements 
extracted  by  processes  varying  in  complication  and 
calling  forth  greater  or  less  exercise  of  the  telic 
power.  At  a  certain  stage  it  was  discovered  that 
material  objects  might  be  made  serviceable  as  aids  in 
the  capture  of  animals  and  as  a  protection  from  the 
elements.  Thus  weapons  of  the  chase,  traps  and 
snares  of  simple  design,  and  various  devices  were 
contrived  to  render  the  quest  for  food  more  easy  and 
certain.  A  dead  animal  becomes  brute  matter,  and 
while  its  flesh  serves  for  food,  its  skin  is  used  as  a 
means  of  protection.  Even  its  bones  and  claws  may 
serve  some  useful  purpose.  Reeds  and  bamboos, 
palm  leaves  and  sticks  from  the  jungle,  finally  con- 
tribute to  comfort  and  safety,  and  from  such  begin- 
nings clothing  and  shelter  must  have  been  evolved. 
When  the  art  of  making  fire  was  discovered,  another 
great  step  was  taken,  and  thus  little  by  little  the  hu- 


Invention  255 

man  animal  emancipated  himself  from  the  purely 
animal  condition  and  assumed  the  role  of  man.  The 
most  important  result  of  this  early  exercise  of  the  di- 
rective agent  upon  the  inanimate  world  was  the  con- 
trol thereby  gained  of  the  environment,  whereby  that 
strictly  animal  characteristic  was  outgrown  which  re- 
stricts every  species  to  its  own  particular  habitat,  to 
which  it  has  become  adapted,  and  beyond  which  it 
cannot  range  without  encountering  such  hostile  ele- 
ments as  to  destroy  it. 

300.  We  are  concerned  here  with  material  indirec-  invention, 
tion  only  as  a  phase  of  the  genesis  of  mind.  We 
have  seen  that  it  was  intuitive,  synthetic,  and  egocen- 
tric. Throughout  the  earlier  stages  of  society  it 
doubtless  chiefly  remained  so,  and  the  end  to  be 
attained  through  any  ingenious  device  was  constantly 
before  the  mind  of  the  inventor  to  the  practical  exclu- 
sion of  all  other  sentiments.  But  a  time  at  length 
arrived  when  the  mental  exercise  involved  in  inven- 
tion began  to  constitute  a  satisfaction  of  its  own. 
The  inventor  is  dealing  with  material  objects  and 
with  physical  forces  manifesting  themselves  through 
such  objects.  He  takes  advantage  of  the  principle 
that  while  matter  can  be  neither  created  nor  destroyed 
nor  the  sum  total  of  its  activities  increased  or  dimin- 
ished, its  mode  of  motion  may  be  varied  in  any  desired 
way.  Invention  consists  then  essentially  in  varying 
the  mode  of  motion  of  matter.  But  as  this  may  be 
done  at  will,  the  particular  way  in  which  the  inventor 
wills  to  vary  it  is  that  which  will  result  in  some 
advantage,  primarily  to  the  inventor,  but  ultimately 
to  mankind  in  general.    The  inventive  power  consists 


256 


The  Genesis  of  Mind 


therefore  in  the  ability  to  see  what  variations  in  the 
mode  of  motion  of  the  material  objects  under  exami- 
nation will  result  in  advantage  to  man.  This  advan- 
tage to  man  constitutes  utility,  and  therefore  what 
the  inventor  is  seeking  is  utility.  Utility  is  a  relation, 
and  the  perception  of  relations  is  one  of  the  earliest 
manifestations  of  the  telic  faculty.  But  utilities  are 
highly  complex  relations.  Invention  may  then  be  de- 
fined as  the  perception  of  utilities.  The  complete 
oneness  of  the  whole  telic  faculty  from  simple  intui- 
tion to  human  invention  is  thus  clearly  brought  out. 

(8)  Inventive  Genius 

301.  Invention  in  its  later  stages  becomes  subjec- 
tive and  takes  the  form  of  genius.  The  distinguish- 
ing characteristic  of  genius  is  that  it  does  not  have 
preservation  or  reproduction  for  its  end,  but  is,  as  we 
may  say,  an  end  in  itself.  This  does  not  mean  that 
it  is  devoid  of  motive,  for  if  it  were,  it  would  be  inca- 
pable of  producing  action.  It  only  means  that  its  mo- 
tive is  not  an  ontogenetic  or  a  phylogenetic  force,  but 
is  a  sociogenetic  force.  It  may  be  a  moral  force, 
and  it  is  to  some  extent  an  aesthetic  force,  but  it 
is  chiefly  an  intellectual  force.  When  we  reach 
the  stage  of  genius,  the  brain  has  become  an  emo- 
tional center,  and  the  appetites,  wants,  and  feelings 
of  the  intellect  constitute  motives  of  great  strength. 
The  perception  of  utilities,  at  first  simply  as  means 
of  attaining  personal  ends,  often  succeeded  admirably 
in  accomplishing  this,  and  soon  began  to  constitute 
an  independent  stimulus,  so  that  the  search  for  utili- 
ties became  a  pleasurable  occupation.     This  double 


in  invention. 


Inventive  Genius  257 

motive  led  to  renewed  application  and  heightened 
zeal,  and  there  arose  on  the  part  of  the  inventor  a 
tendency  to  lose  sight,  temporarily  at  least,  of  the 
practical  end  and  to  yield  wholly  to  the  spur  of  an- 
ticipated success  residing  in  his  own  mind.  When 
invention  reaches  this  stage,  it  becomes  genius,  and 
henceforth  it  exists  for  its  own  sake.  It  becomes  a 
passion  and  is  pursued  often  at  a  sacrifice  of  other 
pleasures  and  satisfactions  and  even  of  positive 
wants. 

302.  In  modern  times  there  are  many  almost  pro-  instruction 
fessional  inventors  employed  for  the  most  part  by 
manufacturing  establishments.  The  fact  that  such 
persons  can  always  be  found  and  that  they  have  suffi- 
cient inventive  ability  to  enable  such  establishments 
to  keep  abreast  of  the  times  and  vie  with  one  another 
in  the  constant  production  of  improved  appliances  of 
all  kinds,  seems  to  prove  that  the  inventive  power  of 
man  is  widely  diffused  and  capable  of  being  "  de- 
veloped," i.e.,  stimulated  into  activity,  by  suitable 
opportunity.  The  surprising  thing  is  that  in  all  the 
best  equipped  universities  and  polytechnic  institutes 
there  seems  to  be  no  recognition  of  invention  as  a 
discipline  apart  from  the  regular  professions  of 
engineering,  surveying,  and  manufacture.  There  is 
no  text-book  on  invention  in  general,  its  fundamental 
principles  and  methods.  It  would  seem  that  if  inven- 
tion could  be  recognized  as  a  science  or  as  a  profes- 
sion and  thoroughly  taught  as  such,  the  perception  of 
utilities  would  be  much  more  general  among  the  edu- 
cated public,  and  the  awkward  mechanical  conditions 
under  which  society  labors  would  be  greatly  improved. 


258  The  Genesis  of  Mind 

When  we  remember  how  vast  have  been  the  results 
that  have  been  achieved  through  invention  pursued 
in  a  purely  spontaneous  and  unsystematized  way,  we 
naturally  wonder  what  might  be  the  effect  of  its 
reduction  to  scientific  method  and  its  inculcation 
through  systematic  courses  of  training  and  instruc- 
tion. 

(9)    Creative  Genius 

303.  Although  aesthetic  art  is  one  of  the  best  recog- 
nized fields  for  the  display  of  genius,  it  is  perhaps 
more  difficult  to  account  for  creative  than  for  inven- 
tive genius,  but  it  has  been  seen  that  the  aesthetic 
faculty  reaches  far  back  into  the  animal  world.  By 
this  is  meant  a  certain  pleasure  in  the  sight,  sound, 
or  even  the  "  feel  "  of  certain  things.  Things  that 
yield  such  pleasure  are,  to  those  who  experience  the 
pleasure,  beautiful.  In  animals  no  higher  stage  is 
reached  than  that  of  appreciating  beauty  when  it 
presents  itself  to  their  faculties,  but  man  at  a  very 
early  stage  acquired  the  faculty  of  subjective  creation 
at  least,  as  imagination  may  be  called,  and  of  enjoy- 
ing such  subjective  creations.  The  next  step  was  to 
put  together  objects  and  parts  of  objects  that  imagi- 
nation showed  to  be  beautiful  and  thus  to  form  ideals, 
i.e.,  representations  of  things  that  did  not  exist,  but 
of  which  only  the  parts  or  elements  had  objective 
reality.  Such  ideals  are  creations,  and  their  produc- 
tion constitutes  creative  genius. 

(10)   PJrilosopliic  Genius 

in  origin  ad-        3°4-    Wc  come  now   to  the  faculty  par  excellence 
vantageous.     ^hat  has  engaged  the   attention  of  the   students  of 


Philosophic   Genius  259 

mind.  The  inventive  faculty  has  been  practically 
overlooked  and  the  creative  faculty  has  been  taken 
as  a  matter  of  course,  but  the  faculty  or  power  of 
"  abstract  reasoning,"  as  it  is  called,  this  is  the  great, 
the  worthy,  the  noble  attribute  that  exalts  man  above 
all  nature  and  renders  him  divine.  Briefly  it  may  be 
said  that  an  intellectual  quality,  talent,  or  faculty  is  a 
psychic  structure  based  upon  an  organic  structure  of 
the  brain.  It  must  be  advantageous  at  the  start  and 
common  to  all  the  members  of  a  species  to  insure  its 
original  creation.  But  once  in  existence,  any  and  all 
of  these  faculties  may  vary  in  any  given  direction 
and  grow  into  wholly  non-advantageous  faculties, 
provided  they  do  not  become  positively  disadvan- 
tageous in  the  sense  of  endangering  the  existence,  of 
the  race.  In  regard  to  the  intellectual  faculties,  we 
find  this  same  argument  to  hold  true.  For  example, 
the  relief  from  physical  want  which  the  system  of 
caste  and  the  formation  of  a  leisure  class,  both 
sacerdotal  and  political,  afforded,  set  free  a  large 
volume  of  intellectual  energy  hitherto  expended  in 
the  struggle  for  existence,  and  it  took  a  variety  of 
directions.  Its  own  innate  interest  constitutes  its 
abundant  motive  power.  The  exercise  of  the  intellec- 
tual faculties  in  the  struggle  for  existence  during  count- 
less ages  had  developed  them  to  a  very  high  degree, 
and,  if  the  volume  is  present,  the  direction  the  im- 
pulse will  take  depends  on  circumstances.  Freed 
now  from  egoistic  exercise,  this  accumulated  intel- 
lectual capital  is  liberally  invested  in  disinterested,  or 
non-advantageous  projects.  It  is  no  longer  held  by 
the  principle  of  advantage  to  any  fixed  course,  and 


i6o 


The  Genesis  of  Mind 


The  emanci- 
pation of  the 
intellect. 


Beginnings 
of  philoso- 
phy. 


it   goes   off   on   strange   lines   and   does  unheard-of 
things. 

305.  Now  the  real  elite  of  mankind,  not  the 
wealthy  nor  the  influential,  but  those  who  use  their 
reason  most  and  who  possess  the  largest  stock  of 
both  knowledge  and  ideas,  will  not  slavishly  follow 
the  herd,  but  are  erratic.  They  rise  above  both  gain 
and  fashion,  and  persistently  violate  the  code  of 
social  action  and  rules  of  propriety.  This  typifies 
the  emancipated  intellect  everywhere,  and  although 
the  leisure  class  was  a  ruling  class  and  not  under  the 
influence  of  the  rest  of  mankind,  still  it  found  itself 
emancipated  from  all  forms  of  restraint,  and  those 
members,  always  of  course  relatively  few  in  number, 
who  took  pleasure  in  intellectual  exercise  could  freely 
follow  the  lines  of  least  resistance  and  greatest  attrac- 
tion, and  could  follow  these  lines  fully  out  to  their 
extreme  logical  conclusions. 

306.  Philosophy  began  as  speculation.  Facts  or 
supposed  facts  of  course  lay  at  the  bottom  of  it. 
Perceptions,  conceptions,  and  ideas  were  in  the  minds 
of  those  early  speculators,  but  they  were  little  con- 
trolled, and  imagination  was  scarcely  differentiated 
from  observation.  Although  thought  took  many 
directions,  often  wild  and  fantastic,  the  body  of 
primitive  speculation  was  confined  to  two  great 
fields,  which  may  be  called  respectively  cosmology 
and  nod  logy.  Neither  of  these  can  probably  be  said 
to  have  had  priority  over  the  other,  but  certainly  the 
phenomena  of  mind  claimed  the  attention  of  man  as 
early  as  did  those  of  the  external  world. 

307.  This  extremely  early  study  of  mind  is  a  sort 


Schools  of  Philosophy  261 

of  anthropomorphism.  Just  as  primitive  men  under-  Phenomena 
stood  life  because  they  possessed  it,  and  ascribed  all  ofmlnd- 
movement  to  living  beings  like  themselves,  so  the 
first  thinkers  understood  mind  because  they  possessed 
it,  and  not  only  projected  their  own  intelligence  into 
all  nature,  but  proceeded  to  speculate  upon  mind 
before  they  did  upon  matter.  This  form  of  specula- 
tion was  practically  sterile,  but  it  was  fascinating,  and 
had  the  subjective  advantage  of  cultivating  and  refin- 
ing the  thinking  powers  in  a  way  that  nothing  else 
could  do.  Philosophers  never  abandoned  this  field 
and  are  still  tilling  it,  almost  as  fruitlessly  as  at  first. 
It  never  yielded  any  valuable  results  until  it  was  cross 
fertilized  by  the  germs  of  objective  science,  and  meta- 
physics was  transformed  into  psychology.  Neverthe- 
less an  enormous  amount  of  sublimated  intellectual 
energy  has  been  expended  on  mind,  and  few  will 
deny  that  mind  has  been  thereby  exalted. 

308.  The  study  of  the  Cosmos,  on  the  other  hand,  The  study  of 
was  fertile  from  the  start,  and  all  that  we  know  of  the  the  Cosmos- 
universe,  including  mind,  has  resulted  from  it.  This 
is  why  it  is  beginning  to  be  seen  that  the  true  Greek 
philosophers  were  not  Socrates  and  Plato,  but  Thales 
and  Pythagoras,  and  especially  their  talented  contem- 
poraries and  followers,  Anaximander,  Anaximenes, 
Heraclitus,  Empedocles,  Anaxagoras,  and  Democri- 
tus.  These  may  all  be  called  cosmologists,  although 
their  theories  differed  greatly,  and  some  of  them  com- 
bined the  study  of  mind  with  that  of  nature.  The 
form  of  speculation  that  seems  to  lie  between  thought 
and  things  and  bind  them  together  is  mathematics, 
or,  as   the    Greeks   chiefly  understood   it,  geometry. 


262  The  Genesis  of  Mind 

This  presented  a  peculiarly  attractive  field,  since  it 
was  free  from  the  encumbrance  of  concrete  objects, 
and  dealt  with  relations,  or,  popularly  speaking, 
abstract  ideas.  It  harmonized  well  with  speculations 
about  mind,  but  it  proved  fruitful  of  results,  and  at 
the  hands  of  Euclid  it  has  come  to  constitute  the  basis 
of  all  knowledge  of  quantity, 
its  results.  309.    At  that  date,  when  so  little  was  known  of  the 

concrete  facts  of  nature,  mathematical  study  and 
abstract  speculation  were  more  profitable  than  rea- 
soning about  material  facts,  because  all  theories  of 
the  universe  that  could  be  formed  from  such  imper- 
fect data  must  be  extremely  vague  and  largely  false. 
Yet  when  we  remember  that  not  only  the  true  nature 
of  the  solar  system,  but  also  the  atomic  theory  of 
chemistry  and  the  doctrine  of  evolution  were  all 
formulated  by  the  Greek  cosmologists,  so  that  they 
can  be  readily  recognized  by  modern  science,  we  are 
in  position  to  form  an  estimate  of  the  power  of  the 
thinking  faculty  to  comprehend  nature.  These  con- 
clusions were  reached  not  by  "  abstract  reasoning," 
but  by  generalization.  With  any  considerable  num- 
ber of  concrete  facts  to  reason  from,  generalization  is 
a  far  more  important  process  than  abstraction.  It 
leads  to  truth  in  the  proper  sense,  i.e.,  the  relation  of 
agreement  or  disagreement  of  conceptions,  ideas,  and 
groups  or  clusters  of  these.  It  classifies  phenomena 
and  coordinates  facts,  phenomena,  and  ideas,  estab- 
lishing comprehensive  laws.  This  is  true  philosophy, 
and  so  long  as  error  can  be  avoided  every  exercise  of 
mind  in  this  direction  increases  man's  acquaintance 
with  his  environment  and  with  the  world  at  large 


The  Scientific  Spirit  263 

310.  But  observation  as  well    as    speculation   has  Observation, 
always  gone  on.     Many  minds  are  not  specially  con- 
stituted for  abstraction  and  generalization,  but  take 
pleasure  in  observation,  and  when  freed  from  want 

and  exempted  from  the  struggle  for  existence,  such 
minds  amuse  themselves  by  exploring  their  surround- 
ings, noting  and  perhaps  recording  rare  and  peculiar 
facts  and  phenomena,  accumulating  "  curiosities  "  in 
private  museums,  and  in  many  ways,  perhaps  uninten- 
tionally, increasing  human  knowledge.  Many  of  the 
Greeks  belonged  to  this  class,  especially  during  the 
later  centuries,  and  Aristotle  possessed  the  observa- 
tional attribute  in  a  high  degree.  The  Alexandrian 
school  supplied  other  observers,  notably  the  Ptole- 
mies, and  the  Romans  furnished  the  Plinies.  The 
spirit  of  both  speculation  and  observation  smoldered 
through  the  Middle"  Ages,  but  broke  out  anew  at  their 
close  in  a  form  that  could  not  again  be  smothered. 

311.  All  know  the  history  of  science,  and  it  is  only  The  scientific 
necessary  to  point  out  the  fact  that  scientific  discovery,  spmt' 

as  it  has  gone  on  during  the  last  five  centuries,  and 
especially  the  last  two  centuries,  is  nothing  else  than 
a  revival  of  the  philosophic  genius  of  antiquity,  this 
time  applied  to  an  enormously  increased  volume  of 
facts.  The  spirit  of  observation  and  accumulation 
was  never  suppressed,  and  the  world  was  in  posses- 
sion of  a  large  supply  of  data  for  thinking,  even  in 
the  time  of  Copernicus.  It  is  often  forgotten  that 
science,  which  seems  to  have  burst  upon  the  world  in 
the  eighteenth  century,  had  been  incubating  during 
the  previous  five  hundred  years,  and  could  not  have 
come    forward   in    the   manner   it   did   but  for  that 


264  The  Genesis  of  Mind 

prolonged  preparation.  No  matter  what  branch  we 
study,  we  are  always  carried  back  at  least  to  the  fif- 
teenth century,  and  if  we  look  critically  into  it,  we 
find  that  the  chief  reason  why  we  cannot  go  back  still 
farther  is  that  it  was  in  that  century  that  printing  was 
invented,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  record  prior  to 
that  event  is  lost  from  the  inability  to  preserve  manu- 
scripts. So  it  was  with  all  forms  of  knowledge,  the 
materials  for  its  scientific  elaboration  were  accumulat- 
ing during  all  these  ages,  and  the  solid  character 
which  the  later  study  of  nature  took  on  was  mainly 
due  to  the  increased  volume  of  facts. 
The  philo-  312.    The  philosophic  spirit  also  continued  to  exist, 

sophic  spirit.  an(^  wjt|1  these  enlarged  resources  it  came  forward  in 
great  force  at  about  the  same  time  as  the  scientific 
awakening.  Mathematicians  like  Newton,  Descartes, 
and  Leibnitz  did  not  hesitate  to  philosophize.  Leo- 
nardo da  Vinci  and  Sir  Thomas  More  stand  out  con- 
spicuously in  the  fifteenth  century,  Giordano  Bruno 
and  Francis  Bacon  in  the  sixteenth,  Spinoza,  Locke, 
and  Leibnitz  in  the  seventeenth.  The  early  sociolo- 
gists should  also  be  mentioned,  including  Hobbes, 
Vico,  and  those  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
Scientific  3I3"    Our  Present  purpose  is  simply  to  show  that 

genius.  the  great  scientific  era  was  not  suddenly  inaugurated, 

but  that  it  had  a  long  and  ample  preparation  in  an- 
tecedent ages,  without  which  it  could  not  have  begun. 
It  would  be  possible  to  make  another  division  of  these 
faculties,  and  to  call  this  application  of  thought  to 
things  scientific  genius.  But  it  is  not  generically 
distinct  from  philosophic  genius,  especially  from  that 
branch  of  it  which  took  the  direction  of  cosmology. 


Scientific  Genius  265 

The  only  difference  is  in  the  increased  data  involving 
a  more  exact  and  systematic  method.  Science  proper 
consists  in  reasoning  about  facts  and  not  in  the  ac- 
cumulation of  facts,  but  the  ability  to  reason  soundly 
depends  upon  the  possession  of  the  facts  about  which 
to  reason.  Neither  the  facts  without  the  reasoning 
nor  the  reasoning  without  the  facts  can  lead  to  scien- 
tific truth.  Science  is  mainly  interpretation,  and  in- 
terpretation is  a  special  kind  of  reasoning.  It  is  the 
method  of  all  observational  science,  specially  char- 
acteristic of  geology,  but  true  also  of  all  the  physical 
and  biological  sciences.  In  physics  and  chemistry 
the  difference  consists  chiefly  in  the  artificial  produc- 
tion of  many  of  the  facts  through  experimentation, 
but  after  the  phenomena  are  produced  the  method  is 
the  same. 

314.  We  have  thus  rapidly  passed  in  review  the  The  non-ad- 
non-advantageous  faculties  of  man.  The  term  noir-  fo^^«°US 
advantageous  has  been  sufficiently  defined  so  that  no 
one  need  stumble  over  the  obvious  fact  that  these 
faculties  are  the  most  advantageous  of  all  to  mankind 
at  large.  The  distinction  may  be  characterized  as 
that  between  individual  and  social  advantage.  In 
the  social  world  the  influence  of  the  artificial  emanci- 
pation of  a  part  of  mankind  from  the  restraints  of 
the  environment,  analogous  to  domestication,  liberates 
the  psychic  energy  and  permits  a  large  surplus  to 
expend  itself  in  biologically  non-advantageous  ways, 
some  of  which  have  proved  sociologically  advanta- 
geous. 


266  The  Genesis  of  Mind 


REFERENCES   TO  WARDS   OTHER  WORKS 

Dynamic  sociology.  Topics  in  Index,  volume  II :  Philosophy ; 
Scientific ;  Verification. 

Psychic  factors.  Index:  Creation  —  Creative;  Genius;  Imagina- 
tion ;  Invention  —  Inventors  ;  Philosophy. 

Pure  sociology.     Chapters  XVII,  XVIII,  pp.  489-510. 

Articles.  Genius  and  woman's  intuition.  Weismann's  conces- 
sions. 


PART   V 

ACTION    OF     THE    TELIC    AGENT 
IN   SOCIAL    ACHIEVEMENT 

CHAPTER  XIX 

SOCIAL  ACHIEVEMENT  THROUGH   THE  CONQUEST 
OF   NATURE 

Introduction.  —  315.  Individual  telesis.  316.  The  intermediate  step. 
317.  Social  or  collective  telesis.  318.  The  study  of  society  made 
scientific. 

I.  Human  Invention.  —  319.  Empirical  art.  320.  Primitive  inven- 
tion. 321.  Man's  capacity  for  conquest.  322.  Modification  of  the 
natural.  323.  Pre-Hellenic  and  Greek  art.  324.  Westward  move- 
ment of  thought.  325.  In  mediaeval  period.  326.  The  modern  era. 
327.  Eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries.  328.  Power  of  inven- 
tion. 

II.  Scientific  Discovery.  —  329.  Invention  and  discovery.  330.  The 
mission  of  science.  331.  The  stage  of  empiricism.  332.  The 
Greek  period.  333.  Mediaeval  period.  334.  Discoveries  of  the 
eighteenth  century.  335.  The  problem  of  life.  336.  The  truths  of 
biology.     337.    Origin  of  species.     338.   The  law  of  evolution. 

Introduction 

315.    Social  progress    is  either    genetic  or   telic.    individual 
Progress  below  the  human  plane  is  altogether  genetic 
and   is  called    development.       In    the    early  human 
stages  it  is  mainly  genetic,  but  begins  to  be  telic. 
In  the  later  stages  it  is  chiefly  telic.     The  transition 

267 


telesis. 


a68       Through  the  Conquest  of  Nature 

from  genetic  to  telic  progress  is  wholly  due  and  ex- 
actly proportional  to  the  development  of  the  intel- 
lectual faculty.  The  intellectual  method  is  essentially 
telic.  Through  it  satisfactions  are  multiplied  and 
life  correspondingly  enriched.  There  are  two  kinds 
of  telic  progress,  or  telesis,  individual  and  collective. 
The  former  is  the  principal  kind  thus  far  employed. 
The  latter  is  as  yet  so  rare  as  to  be  almost  theoretical. 
Society  itself  must  be  looked  upon  as  mainly  uncon- 
scious. Its  operations  are  the  result  of  the  combined 
activities  of  its  individual  members.  But  the  in- 
dividual is  conscious  and  seeks  his  ends  by  the  aid 
of  all  the  faculties  he  possesses.  This  is  individual 
telesis.  It  constitutes  almost  the  only  social  progress 
that  has  thus  far  taken  place. 
Theinterme-  316.  The  intermediate  step  between  individual 
latestep.  telesis  and  social  telesis  is  an  organization  of  indi- 
viduals into  a  limited  body.  Such  organizations  are 
always  for  some  specific  purpose,  and  the  word  pur- 
pose sufficiently  indicates  their  telic  character.  It 
shows  that  there  may  be  a  thought  common  to  a 
number  of  persons,  and  that  several  individuals  can, 
as  well  as  a  single  one,  act  teleologically  toward  a 
desired  end.  In  modern  society  there  is  scarcely  any 
limit  to  the  variety  in  such  organizations. 

If  a  small  number  of  individuals  may  think  and  act 
for  a  common  purpose,  a  larger  number  may,  and 
there  is  no  necessary  limit  until  the  totality  of  a  peo- 
ple is  embraced  in  the  number.  If  such  a  universal 
organization  has  for  its  sole  object  the  good  of  its 
members  in  general,  it  thereby  virtually  becomes  the 
government. 


Social  Telesis  269 

317.  Individual  teleology  from  the  standpoint  of  Social  or 
society  may  be  regarded  as  unconscious.  The  social  colIectlve 
benefits  that  it  achieves  are  not  thought  of.     They 

are  as  much  accidental  and  unintended  as  are  those 
that  result  from  purely  genetic  or  spontaneous  activ- 
ity. On  the  other  hand,  the  social  teleology  now  under 
consideration  —  the  action  of  the  central  body  or  gov- 
ernment which  society  creates  to  look  after  its  inter- 
ests—  is  conscious  in  the  sense  that,  as  a  body,  it 
always  aims  to  benefit  society.  As  government  is  an 
application  of  what  society  knows  about  the  nature 
of  the  social  forces,  it  is  a  true  art ;  and  collective 
telesis  may  therefore  be  called  the  social  art.  The 
science  of  society  must  produce  the  art  of  society. 
True  legislation  is  invention.  Government  is  the  art 
that  results  from  the  science  of  society  through  the 
legislative  application  of  sociological  principles.  In 
every  domain  of  natural  forces  there  are  the  four 
steps :  First,  the  discovery  of  the  laws  governing 
phenomena ;  second,  perception  of  the  utilities  (modes 
in  which  the  phenomena  can  be  modified  to  serve 
man);  third,  the  necessary  adjustments  to  secure  the 
useful  end  ;  and,  fourth,  the  application  of  all  this  in 
producing  the  result.  The  first  of  these  steps  is  that 
of  pure  science  ;  the  second  and  third  are  involved  in 
invention,  and  properly  constitute  applied  science; 
the  fourth  is  art  in  its  proper  sense. 

318.  Now,  looking  at  society  as  a  domain  of  natural  The  study  of 
forces,  we  may  see    how  readily  it  admits  of   being  s°CH*y made 

J  J  °    scientific. 

subjected  to  this  series  of  processes.  Discovery  of 
the  laws  of  society  is  the  natural  province  of  the 
sociologist.     He  should   also   be   looked   to  for  the 


270       Through  the  Conquest  of  Nature 

detection  of  utilities,  but  this  work  also  belongs  in  a 
still  higher  degree  to  the  legislator.  Adjustment  is 
the  exclusive  province  of  legislation,  and  laws,  when 
framed  according  to  these  principles,  would  be  such 
adjustments  and  nothing  else.  The  execution  of  the 
laws  is  the  resultant  social  art.  It  requires  no  great 
stretch  of  the  imagination  to  see  how  widely  this 
scheme  would  differ  from  the  corresponding  features 
of  the  present  regime.  It  is  still  easier  to  see  its 
immense  superiority.  The  essence  of  telic  action 
consists  at  bottom  in  making  natural  forces  do  the 
desired  work  instead  of  doing  it  ourselves.  This  is 
exactly  what  is  needed  in  society.  The  desires,  pas- 
sions, and  propensities  of  men  are  bad  only  in  the 
sense  that  fire  and  lightning  are  bad.  They  are  per- 
ennial natural  forces,  and,  whether  good  or  bad,  they 
exist,  cannot  be  removed,  and  must  be  reckoned  with. 
But  if  society  only  knew  how,  it  could  utilize  these 
forces,  and  their  very  strength  would  be  the  measure 
of  their  power  for  good.  Society  is  now  spending 
vast  energies  and  incalculable  treasure  in  trying  to 
check  and  curb  these  forces  without  receiving  any 
benefit  from  them  in  return.  The  greater  part  of  this 
could  be  saved,  and  a  much  larger  amount  transferred 
to  the  other  side  of  the  account. 

In  the  following  pages  the  influence  of  the  telic 
agent  in  achievement,  both  individual  and  collective, 
will  be  illustrated  and  some  attention  given  to  the 
possibilities  of  socialization. 


Primitive  Invention  271 

I.    Human  Invention^ 

319.  Empirical  art  consists  chiefly  in  making  use-  Empirical 
ful  things.     It  is  what  was  characterized  in  chapter  ar' 

VI  by  the  term  poesis.  The  potter's  art,  which  is 
very  early  and  widespread,  is  a  typical  empirical  art. 
But  the  making  of  tools  and  weapons  contributed 
much  more  to  the  conquest  of  nature  than  did  the 
culinary  and  domestic  arts.  Tools,  first  of  rough,  then 
of  polished  stone,  then  of  copper  (usually,  but  prob- 
ably erroneously  called  bronze  by  archaeologists),  and 
at  last  of  iron,  after  the  art  of  extracting  iron  from  its 
ores  had  been  acquired,  have  been  the  marks,  and 
their  quality  the  measures  of  culture  in  the  progress 
of  the  race. 

320.  That  the  keen  imitative  powers  and  sharp  Primitive 
intuitive  cunning  of  apes  and  other  animals  come  inventlon- 
very  near  to  intelligence  may  be  freely  admitted,  and 

it  is  only  a  step  from  this  grade  of  cunning  to  that 
which  could  arrange  a  pitfall  for  an  unwary  animal 
or  a  rude  snare  for  a  fish.  The  earliest  man,  driven 
by  the  necessities  of  existence,  took  this  step,  and  it 
was  devices  such  as  these  that  constituted  the  first 
inventions.  Nothing  could  be  more  interesting  than 
a  list  of  the  truly  primitive  inventions.  This  of 
course  can  never  be  drawn  up,  because  there  are  no 
absolutely  primitive  races,  and  archaeology  begins 
much  too  high  in  the  series.  But  there  have  been 
some  tolerably  satisfactory  approaches  toward  the 
preparation  of  such  a  list. 

1  Mason,  Woman 's  share  in  primitive  culture.     Morrison,  The  new 
epoch. 


272       Through  the  Conquest  of  Nature 


Man's  capac- 
ity for 
conquest. 


Modification 
of  the 
natural. 


321.  Equipped  with  the  directive  agent  as  a  guide 
to  the  dynamic  agent,  that  "  favored  race  "  of  beings 
called  man  set  outon  a  careerfor  the  conquestof  nature. 
Throughout  his  prehuman  stage,  like  the  rest  of  the 
animal  world,  this  being  had  always  been  the  slave  of 
nature.  His  was  a  struggle  for  existence  like  the 
rest,  but  he  proved  himself  the  fittest  to  survive  and 
he  survived.  Cephalization  found  in  him  its  highest 
expression  and  brain  became  a  factor  in  this  struggle. 
Facile  princeps,  it  soon  gained  the  lead,  and  from  that 
time  on,  this  being,  thus  rendered  human,  distanced 
all  competitors.  He  early  saw  the  advantage  of 
association  and  secured  the  added  benefit  of  the  law 
of  the  survival  of  the  social.  He  passed  through  all  the 
earlier  stages,  and  emerged  into  the  stage  of  compound 
social  assimilation  with  a  military  regime  of  exploita- 
tion, a  sacerdotal  caste,  an  intermediate  and  independ- 
ent free  business  element,  and  a  subordinate  slave 
population.  The  whole  mass  was  rising,  but  parts 
rose  with  special  rapidity,  the  business  element 
through  the  exercise  of  its  advantageous,  and  the 
leisure  class  of  its  non-advantageous,  mental  faculties. 

322.  No  progressive  race  has  ever  been  content 
with  the  natural.  Everywhere  and  always  the 
environment,  although  it  embodies  all  the  elements 
of  existence,  has  obstructed  human  progress,  has 
withheld  the  necessary  supplies,  has  doled  out  its 
resources  in  a  niggardly  way,  and  has  starved  to 
death  by  far  the  greater  number  of  all  the  creatures 
that  have  been  born.  But  the  human  race,  with 
its  intuitive,  egoistic  reason,  with  its  inventive  faculty, 
with    its    intellectual    prevision    and    telic     power, 


Empirical   Inventions  273 

began  its  struggle  against  the  law  of  nature.  The 
transformation  of  the  environment  in  the  direction 
of  utility,  i.e.,  of  human  advantage,  is  no  more 
difficult  than  in  any  other  direction.  It  was  there- 
fore simply  a  question  of  knowing  how  to  accom- 
plish this,  and  knowledge  of  this  kind  is  that  which 
underlies  invention.  It  was  also  discovered  that 
nature  is  easily  managed  by  intelligence.  The  earliest 
operations  of  this  class  were  what  are  called  empirical. 
The  bow  and  arrow  was  a  primitive  weapon,  being 
found  in  the  hands  of  most  of  the  lowest  savages,  and 
also  among  the  relics  of  the  lake  dwellers.  The 
arrow  was  probably  a  modification  of  the  javelin  and 
the  bow  the  result  of  a  series  of  steps  in  contriving 
means  of  hurling  it  with  greater  force  and  accuracy. 
Pottery,  as  already  remarked,  was  a  primitive  art, 
but  could  not  have  antedated  the  art  of  making  fire. 
Many  think  that  the  art  is  practically  the  invention 
of  women,  and  Professor  Mason1  has  shown  that  many 
of  the  most  useful  inventions  have  been  made  by 
women.  It  is  nevertheless  probably  true  and  cer- 
tainly quite  natural,  as  Havelock  Ellis  maintains,2 
that  the  inventions  and  arts  created  by  women  are  of 
a  severely  practical  character  and  do  not  in  their  hands 
tend  to  become  ornamental  or  aesthetic.  The  plow 
grew  out  of  the  digger,  and  the  primitive  plow  had  no 
mold-board,  did  not  throw  a  furrow  to  one  side,  and 
merely  scratched  the  ground.  A  wooden  mold-board 
was  introduced  much  later,  but  the  iron  plowshare  was 
not  invented  until  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

1  Woman's  share  in  primitive  culture. 

2  Alan  and  woman,  pp.  316-317. 
T 


art 


274       Through  the   Conquest  of  Nature 

Pre-Heiienic  323.  All  the  early  pre-Chaldean  arts  are  now 
ireek  known  to  have  migrated  northward  from  southern 
Asia,  and  the  archaeology  of  middle  and  northern 
Asia,  which  has  only  recently  been  studied,  is  throw- 
ing great  light  upon  the  direction  taken  by  the  streams 
of  primitive  migration.  If  it  can  be  completed,  it  will 
probably  fill  all  the  gaps  between  Asiatic  and  Amer- 
ican civilizations.  Most  of  the  Greek  art  in  the  time 
of  Homer  was  either  Egyptian  or  Chaldean,  both 
being  introduced  by  the  Phoenicians.  Such  were  the 
arts  of  metal  working  (chiefly  bronze  and  iron),  weav- 
ing, the  construction  of  boats  and  war  chariots,  also 
of  tripods,  which  constituted  their  chairs,  and  of  such 
houses  as  they  had.  Espinas 1  says  that  they  "  were 
acquainted  with  the  spindle  and  distaff,  the  sail-boat, 
the  bit,  the  bellows,  the  plow,  the  war  chariot,  the 
carriage,  the  hinge,  the  lock,  the  auger,  the  bow, 
the  turning-lathe,  the  potters'  wheel,  the  balance." 
From  the  Phoenicians  they  imported  "  prepared  fab- 
rics, wines,  oil,  and  intoxicants ;  papyrus  articles, 
linen  (an  exceedingly  important  product),  ointments, 
prepared  spices,  incense,  embalming-mixtures,  per- 
fumes, dyes,  and  drugs  from  Egypt,  and  the  various 
products  of  metal  work,  ornaments  and  weapons  of  a 
superior  quality."2  But  prior  to  the  Trojan  war  the 
Greeks  were  an  almost  exclusively  pastoral  people, 
consisting  of  nomads  from  the  East  who  had  con- 
quered the  original  less  aggressive  inhabitants  and 
reduced  them  to  slavery,  becoming  themselves  par- 

1  Les  origines  de  la  technologie,  par  Alfred  Espinas,  Paris,  1897,  P-  45 
(chiefly  on  the  authority  of  Hultsch  and  Blumner). 

2  Homeric  society,  by  A.  G.  Keller,  p.  19. 


Ancient  Art  275 

tially  fixed,  and  subsisting  chiefly  upon  their  oxen  and 
sheep  and  a  rude  agriculture.  Nevertheless  they  did 
not  know  the  use  of  cows'  milk  and  had  not  learned 
to  make  butter  or  cheese.  Eggs  are  not  mentioned 
in  the  Iliad  or  Odyssey,  and  only  the  inhabitants 
of  the  maritime  districts  used  salt.  They  reck- 
oned by  the  decimal  system,  counting  their  fingers 
like  other  barbarians.  They  had  no  alphabet,  but 
received  later  that  of  the  Phoenicians  derived  chiefly 
from  Egypt,  so  that  until  that  time  those  great  epics 
must  have  been  simply  traditions  whose  preservation 
was  intrusted  to  priests  or  other  specially  appointed 
guardians  to  hold  in  memory  and  transmit  to  their 
successors.  An  alphabet  and  the  art  of  writing  on 
papyrus,  or  something  more  manageable  than  stone, 
glass,  and  metal,  must  therefore  be  set  down  as  one 
of  the  great  steps  in  civilization.  Down  to  the  time 
when  Ctesibius  of  Alexandria  invented  the  clepsy- 
dra, time  was  kept  by  the  sun-dial,  invented  by 
the  Babylonians  and  mentioned  in  the  Bible  (Isaiah 
xxxviii.  8).  The  power  of  steam  was  known  and  the 
principle  embodied  in  Hero's  engine,  but  no  practi- 
cal use  was  made  by  the  ancients  of  so  important 
a  discovery.  The  extensive  public  works  of  the 
Romans  prove  that  some  of  the  most  important 
principles  of  engineering,  including  those  of  the  arch 
and  the  catenary,  had  been  worked  out  and  applied. 

324.    It  thus   appears  that  the  stream  of   human  Westward 
thought,    intelligence,    and   inventive    power  moved  ^^ought 
westward   from   southern   Asia   to    Chaldea,  Egypt, 
and  Asia    Minor,  thence  to    Greece  and    Italy,  and 
that  from  the  Mediterranean  shores  it  slowly  spread 


276       Through  the  Conquest  of  Nature 


In  mediaeval 
period. 


The  modern 
era. 


to  western  and  northern  Europe.1     In  these  regions 
had  been  formed  all  the  most  highly  assimilated  races. 

325.  The  aggressive  attempts  of  the  Romans  to 
conquer  the  northern  "barbarians"  and  add  them 
to  the  empire,  followed  by  the  nemesis  of  barba- 
rian invasion  of  Rome,  resulted  in  the  necessity  of 
assimilating  the  entire  mass,  which  caused  an  ap- 
parent retrograde  movement  and  seemed  to  lower 
the  status  of  civilization  in  the  Mediterranean  region. 
This  was  further  complicated  by  the  vast  religious 
revolution  attendant  upon  the  substitution  of  Chris- 
tianity not  only  for  the  pagan  cults,  but  also  for  all 
the  barbaric  cults.  The  consequence  was  nearly 
fifteen  hundred  years  of  apparent  intellectual  stag- 
nation. Yet  even  this  long  period  was  not  wholly 
fruitless.  Here  and  there  a  flicker  of  inventive  gen- 
ius flashed  up,  as  when  the  Saracen,  Ebn  Junis,  at 
the  end  of  the  tenth  century,  invented  the  pendulum ; 
when  the  compass,  perhaps  invented  by  the  Chinese, 
and  certainly  used  by  them  in  traveling  overland, 
found  its  way  to  Europe  and  was  applied  to  water 
navigation ;  when  gunpowder,  likewise  of  Asiatic 
origin,  but  hitherto  only  used  for  pyrotechnic  display, 
was  applied  to  projectiles  and  became  an  engine  of 
war ;  or  when  the  Saracens  invented  a  process  of 
making  paper  from  linen  rags  and  cotton.  Even  the 
great  art  of  printing,  whose  invention  broke  the  spell, 
had  been  independently  invented  in  China  and  was 
actually  brought  to  Europe  by  Venetian  navigators. 

326.  The  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  marks 
the    beginning    of   the    modern  era.     The  invention 

1  Bagchot,  Physics  and  politics,  p.  52. 


Era  of  Machinery  277 

and  practical  application  of  the  art  of  printing  was 
the  turning-point,  but  a  long  train  of  other,  often 
apparently  independent,  inventions  and  discoveries 
quickly  followed.  It  would  require  pages  merely  to 
enumerate  them  all.  Indeed  there  are  always  many 
the  date  of  which  cannot  be  ascertained,  and  still 
more  that  are  so  completely  the  products  of  natural 
evolution  by  minute  accretions  that  they  can  scarcely 
be  said  to  have  had  an  origin. 

The  steam-engine  in  the  modern  sense  was  pre- 
eminently the  child  of  the  seventeenth  century,  al- 
though it  required  the  entire  century  to  invent  it. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  invention  of  the 
steam-engine  constitutes  the  most  important  eco- 
nomic and  industrial  step  the  world  has  thus  far  taken, 
and  it  can  only  be  compared  to  the  invention  of  print- 
ing, the  greatest  intellectual  step  in  the  history  of 
civilization.  With  the  latter  began  the  era  of  thought, 
with  the  former,  the  era  of  machinery. 

327.    As  following  upon  the  maturing  of  the  steam-  Eighteenth 
engine  it  seems  natural  that  the  great  inventions  of  fenenthce'n- 
the  eighteenth  century  should  be  the  loom  and  the  turies. 
spinning-jenny,  as  it  is  these    three  that   practically 
constitute  the  factory,  and  although   a  great  many 
other  industries,  each  the  result  of  a  series  of  pre- 
paratory inventions,  sprang  up  in  response  to  the  new 
demand,  still  it  was  the  factory,   and  the  extensive 
production  of  spun  and  woven  goods  by  machinery, 
that  characterized  this  age.     It  was  the  beginning  of 
what  by  a  contradiction  of  terms  is  known  as  manu- 
facture by  machinery,  and  which   M.  Tarde  so  hap- 
pily and   also  so  correctly  renamed  machinofacture. 


278        Through   the  Conquest  of  Nature 

When  we  come  to  the  nineteenth  century,  we  find 
the  inventions  simply  innumerable.  It  is  difficult  to 
characterize  it  by  any  single  one,  and  it  seems  nec- 
essary to  name  at  least  two,  but  better  still,  three  or 
four.  If  we  mention  the  telegraph,  there  at  once 
arise  in  the  mind  the  colossal  figures  of  the  railway 
and  the  steamship.  There  also  arise  the  other  great 
applications  of  electricity.  It  may  be  called  the  age 
of  electricity.  But  if  we  look  to  function  rather  than 
structure,  it  may  be  called  the  age  of  communica- 
tion, for  all  these  structures  serve  that  end.  The 
eighteenth  century  may  then  be  called  the  age  of 
production  and  the  nineteenth  that  of  distribution 
in  the  economic  sense.  In  analogy  to  organic  func- 
tions, the  eighteenth  may  be  regarded  as  an  age  of 
social  alimentation  or  digestion,  while  the  nineteenth 
was  one  of  circulation.  This  circulation,  however, 
includes  both  nutritive  and  neural,  the  telegraph  and 
telephone  constituting  an  internuncial  system.  But 
in  all  this  it  is  not  meant  to  imply  that  the  organs  of 
production  developed  during  the  eighteenth  century 
were  not  active  during  the  nineteenth.  The  produc- 
tivity of  man  has  steadily  increased  throughout  all 
this  time.  It  is  only  that  to  this  great  alimentary 
system  there  was  added  the  system  of  circulation  both 
of  things,  including  men,  and  of  ideas. 
Power  of  328.    In  the  conquest  of  nature  by  man  unques- 

tionably the  first  place  must  be  given  to  invention, 
to  the  perception  of  utilities  and  the  utilization  of 
properties  and  forces  locked  up  except  to  the  key  of 
intelligence  in  the  apparently  dead  and  lifeless  mate- 
rial objects,  or  invisible  and  intangible  in  the  subtle 


invention. 


Scientific  Discovery  279 

forces  of  nature.  Still,  as  has  already  been  said, 
the  principle  does  not  essentially  differ  from  that 
employed  in  utilizing  the  psychic  properties  of  ani- 
mals, either  through  the  ruse  in  capturing  them  for 
food,  or  through  those  higher  powers  of  cunning  and 
calculation  by  which  animals  are  domesticated  and 
made  to  serve  man.  Thus  invention  has  not  only 
satisfied  a  thousand  wants,  but  it  has  created  many 
thousand  more;  and  not  only  has  it  satisfied  old 
wants  and  created  new  ones,  but  it  has  also  satisfied 
these  latter  and  thereby  contributed  in  an  incalcu- 
lable degree  to  the  fullness  of  life  or  volume  of  exist- 
ence, which  alone  constitutes  social  progress. 

II.    Scientific   Discovery 

329.  Invention  and  discovery  are  reciprocal.  In-  invention 
vention  leads  to  discovery  and  discovery  leads  to 
invention.  Without  the  arts  necessary  in  the  con- 
struction of  a  seaworthy  ship  and  the  invention  of  the 
compass,  the  discovery  of  remote  parts  of  the  earth, 
including  the  New  World,  would  have  been  impos- 
sible. Without  the  discovery  of  the  power  of  steam 
and  the  nature  of  electricity,  the  invention  of  the 
steam-engine  and  the  telegraph  would  have  been 
equally  impossible. 

330.  Just  as  the  chief  mission  of  invention  in  its  The  mission 
broadest  sense  is  to  counteract  and  so  far  as  possible 
nullify  the  uneconomical  and  wasteful  genetic  method 
of  nature  and  substitute  for  it  the  economical  and 
fruitful  telic  method  of  mind,  so  it  was  the  chief  mis- 
sion of  science  in  its  broadest  sense  to  dispel  the 
illusions    of  nature    and  the  errors  of  the  primitive 


and  discov- 
ery. 


of  science. 


280       Through  the  Conquest  of  Nature 

reason  based  on  these  illusions,  and  to  substitute  for 
them  the  truths  that  lie  hidden  beneath  the  superfi- 
cial appearances  and  the  laws  of  nature,  that  only 
reveal  themselves  to  prolonged  observation,  experi- 
mentation, and  reflection.  The  most  fundamental  of 
all  nature's  laws  is  the  law  of  causation,  and  this  is 
precisely  the  one  that  the  primitive  mind  least  under- 
stands. 
The  stage  of  331-  The  stage  of  empiricism  overlapped  far 
empiricism.  Up0n  the  scientific  stage  and  cannot  be  said  even 
now  to  have  wholly  passed  away ;  but  after  social 
amalgamation  had  reached  a  certain  point  and  social 
cleavage  had  become  complete,  the  leisure  class,  freed 
from  the  goad  of  want,  began  to  employ  its  surplus 
energies  in  the  greater  and  greater  exercise  of  its 
non-advantageous  faculties.  Primum  vivere,  deinde 
philosopJiari.  The  non-advantageous  faculties  had 
no  reason  for  searching  for  utilities,  and  they  ex- 
pended themselves  chiefly  in  the  search  for  things 
that  had  no  apparent  utility  whatever.  Much  of  this 
early  research,  if  it  can  be  dignified  by  that  name,  had 
in  fact  no  utility  beyond  that  of  exercising  and  thus 
developing  the  faculties  themselves.  The  earliest 
scientific  study  consisted  chiefly  in  observation.  The 
considerable  advances  which  it  is  known  that  the 
Chaldeans,  the  Chinese,  and  the  Egyptians  made  in 
astronomy  were  reached  by  this  method.  That  these 
ancient  astronomers  were  priests,  and  that  this  early 
study  of  nature  was  due  to  the  establishment  of  a 
priesthood  wholly  exempt  from  the  struggle  for  ex- 
istence is  evident  from  the  fact  that  the  results  were 
regularly  used  in  religious  ceremonies.     India,  which 


Observational   Science  281 

is  perhaps  theoretically  nearer  to  the  primordial  center 
of  dispersion,  does  not  show  the  same  antiquity  in 
observational  science  as  Chaldea.  In  China  astro- 
nomical records  go  back  quite  as  far  as  in  Chaldea. 
There  was  in  the  charge  of  the  priesthood  a  tribunal 
of  mathematics  which  prepared  a  calendar  of  eclipses 
(announced  in  advance)  and  of  other  celestial  phe- 
nomena. The  ancient  Egyptians  must  have  cultivated 
astronomy,  but  about  the  only  records  they  have  left 
are  to  be  found  in  the  construction  of  the  pyramids, 
the  exactness  of  which  presupposes  considerable  ad- 
vance in  mathematics,  engineering,  and  mechanical 
skill.  All  over  Europe  are  to  be  found  the  remains 
of  structures  in  stone  erected  by  the  prehistoric  races 
that  lived  there  ages  before  the  present  peoples  in- 
vaded Europe  from  the  East.  The  most  remarkable 
of  these  is  Stonehenge  in  Wiltshire,  England. 

332.  The  want  of  a  written  language  and  the  The  Greek 
general  character  of  sacerdotal  observation  and  peno 
thought  have  kept  the  world  in  general  ignorance  of 
who  the  men  were  that  performed  these  intellectual 
achievements,  and  we  can  only  vaguely  ascribe  them 
to  the  races  that  inhabited  the  areas  on  which  their 
monuments  are  found.  But  when  at  last  we  approach 
the  new,  and  at  first  comparatively  backward,  civiliza- 
tion of  Greece  and  the  regions  that  surround  it,  we 
are  near  enough  to  the  date  of  the  invention  of  a 
symbolic  alphabet  and  to  records  made  on  papyrus 
sheets  or  parchment  to  begin  to  learn  what  was 
transpiring  in  the  world  of  thought.  Beginning  with 
Thales,  Anaximander,  Pythagoras,  and  Anaximenes, 
in  the  seventh  and  sixth  centuries,  and  ending  with 


282       Through  the  Conquest  of  Nature 

the  third  and  second  centuries  before  our  era,  we 
have  a  great  mass  of  cosmological  ideas,  which,  seen 
thus  in  perspective,  towers  up  into  gigantic  propor- 
tions. These  men  were  not  priests,  but  all  belonged 
to  the  privileged  class  who  possessed  leisure  and 
opportunity  for  observation  and  meditation  ;  and  while 
the  earlier  of  them  could  only  teach  their  doctrines  to 
their  disciples,  these  latter  found  ways  at  last  of  pre- 
serving and  transmitting  these  thoughts,  until  they 
could  ultimately  be  recorded  and  handed  down  as  im- 
perishable achievements  of  the  human  mind.  Noth- 
ing has  been  said  of  the  wonderful  development  of 
art,  especially  of  sculpture,  but  almost  equally  of 
poetry  and  drama,  although  these  too  are  imperish- 
able achievements,  because  we  are  here  dealing  with 
the  progress  of  the  human  intellect  in  compassing  the 
conquest  of  nature. 
Medieval  333.    As  in   the  case  of   invention,  so  in  that  of 

period.  scientific  discovery,  and  in  fact  of  about  everything 

but  church  history,  scholasticism,  and  religious  casuis- 
try, the  first  fourteen  centuries  of  the  Christian  era 
offer  almost  nothing  worth  recording.  It  is  also  a 
fact  generally  overlooked,  that  during  practically  this 
same  period  Asia  was  passing  through  a  phase  of  its 
history  similar  to  that  through  which  Europe  had  to 
pass.  Just  as  Christianity  supplanted  paganism  in 
the  West,  so  Buddhism  first  supplanted  the  older 
Indian  cults,  and  then  Mohammedanism  swept  over 
the  whole  eastern  world  from  the  Mediterranean  to 
the  Pacific.  It  also  invaded  Egypt  and  northern 
Africa  and  strove  to  penetrate  the  continent  of 
Europe,  which  it  might  perhaps  have  accomplished 


Modern  Discoveries  283 

had  it  not  been  stopped  and  turned  back  by  the 
hammer  of  Charles  Martel  on  the  plains  of  Tours  in 
the  year  732.  But  in  Asia  there  has  been  no  re- 
naissance, except  the  recent  awakening  of  Japan. 
In  Europe  the  Middle  Ages  were  to  some  extent  a 
period  of  gestation.  The  barbarian  and  Moham- 
medan invasions  and  the  Crusades  had  a  powerful 
awakening  influence  and  repeatedly  disturbed  the 
social  equilibrium,  infusing  fresh,  but  as  yet  coarse, 
unassimilated  mental  and  physical  elements,  and 
requiring  long  periods  for  their  refinement  and  com- 
plete readjustment.  Only  a  few  names  are  worth 
enumerating  among  those  who  contributed  anything 
during  the  Middle  Ages  to  the  advancement  of  man's 
dominion  over  nature. 

334.  The  greatest  discoveries  of  the  eighteenth  Discoveries 
century  grew  out  of  seventeenth-century  conceptions  ggnthcen-1 
of  ether  and  gravitation.  They  relate  to  heat,  light,  tury. 
and  electricity.  But  in  astronomy  and  in  chemistry 
the  century  was  scarcely  less  prolific.  In  biology  the 
eighteenth  century  was  chiefly  an  age  of  accumula- 
tion and  classification.  But  the  great  principle  of 
organic  development  through  the  struggle  for  exist- 
ence, involving  descent  with  modification,  was  dis- 
tinctly enunciated  by  both  Goethe  and  Erasmus 
Darwin  before  the  close  of  that  century.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  all  the  great 
sciences  were  fairly  established  and  the  number  of 
investigators  was  enormously  increased.  All  the 
leading  universities  had  long  been  in  operation  in 
Europe  and  several  existed  in  America.  These  were 
turning  their  attention  more  and  more  to  science  and 


284       Through  the  Conquest  of  Nature 

establishing  well-equipped  laboratories  for  original 
research.  All  the  great  scientific  academies  had  long 
been  in  existence  and  celebrated  men  were  associated 
with  them.  In  astronomy,  in  physics,  in  chemistry, 
in  geology,  in  all  branches  of  biology,  and  to  some 
extent  in  anthropology,  observations  and  experiments 
were  being  made,  and  every  field  of  nature  was  being 
explored.  Learned  memoirs  were  published,  the 
transactions  of  academies  and  societies  were  filled 
with  contributions  of  all  kinds  recording  the  results 
of  scientific  work,  and  an  immense  monument  was  in 
process  of  erection  to  the  industry  and  zeal  of  an 
awakened  world.  Thus  began  that  "Wonderful 
Century "  whose  achievements  Dr.  Wallace  has  so 
ably  summed  up  that  it  seems  superfluous  to  attempt 
even  an  abridged  enumeration  of  them.1 

335.  If  the  greatest  triumphs  over  nature  in  the 
interest  of  man  took  place  in  the  domain  of  physics 
and  chemistry,  the  deepest  thought  of  the  nineteenth 
century  was  concentrated  upon  the  problem  of  life. 
In  every  science  a  philosophic  period  precedes  the 
period  of  maximum  utilization.  The  nineteenth 
century  was  the  philosophic  period  of  biology.  For 
by  philosophy  we  do  not  now  mean  speculation,  or 
the  propounding  of  theories  based  chiefly  on  medita- 
tion and  reflection,  such  as  were  most  of  those,  how- 
ever exact,  of  the  ancients.  We  now  mean  theories 
or  hypotheses,  it  may  be,  but  based  on  great  accumu- 
lations of  facts  and  worked  out  through  the  study 
and  comparison  of  these  facts.  They  are  in  reality 
generalizations,  and  each    step   is   established   by  a 

1  Wallace,  The  wonderful  century,  and  Progress  of  the  century. 


Truths  of  Biology  285 

compilation  and  coordination  of  the  facts.  Such  was 
the  heliocentric  theory  as  revived  by  Copernicus, 
such  were  Kepler's  laws,  such  was  the  law  of  gravi- 
tation, and  such  was  the  atomic  theory  of  chemistry. 

336.  The  Greeks  had  stated  many  of  the  now  The  truths  of 
recognized  truths  of  biology,  but  their  theories  were  blolos>'- 
only  speculations,  wonderful  glimpses  into  natural 
truth,  but  wholly  unsupported  by  scientific  evidence. 
It  must  not  be  forgotten  either  that  along  with  these 
just  glimpses  there  went  the  wildest  vagaries,  and 
these  latter  greatly  outnumbered  the  former.  It  is 
only  after  a  great  truth  has  been  scientifically  estab- 
lished that  we  go  back  and  pick  out  the  rare  cases  in 
which  it  had  been  as  it  were  accidentally  hit  upon  in 
the  midst  of  a  great  mass  of  erroneous  ideas.  These 
we  leave  behind  and  forget,  or  excuse  as  due  to  the 
insufficiency  of  the  data  at  the  command  of  those 
ancient  philosophers.  And  we  glean  the  few  grains 
that  we  now  know  to  be  golden,  but  which  the  finders 
may  have  considered  of  little  importance  while  im- 
puting great  value  to  what  we  now  know  to  have 
been  dross.  It  is  thus  that  the  forerunners  of  most 
great  discoveries,  instead  of  being  neglected,  as  is 
usually  supposed,  often  receive  far  more  credit  than 
they  really  deserve.  In  biology,  then  known  as 
natural  history  and  divided  into  botany  and  zoology, 
also  including  mineralogy,  vast  accumulations  were 
made  during  the  four  preceding  centuries,  and  from 
the  time  of  Linnaeus,  indeed  for  a  century  before 
his  time,  everything  was  described  and  classified,  so 
that  with  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  the 
entire  known  vegetable  and  animal  kingdoms  were 


286       Through  the  Conquest  of  Nature 

represented  in  herbaria  and  museums,  and  all  the 
species  that  could  be  distinguished  were  described 
and  figured  in  large  illustrated  works.  This  was  the 
period  of  biological  statics,  and  it  was  supposed  by 
all  these  early  naturalists  that  species  were  absolutely 
fixed.  Lamarck  overthrew  this  doctrine  and  inaugu- 
rated the  period  of  biological  dynamics.  This  new 
discovery  of  the  mutability  of  species  and  the  gene- 
alogical descent  of  organic  forms,  perceived  by 
Goethe  and  Erasmus  Darwin  as  a  poetic  idea,  gave 
a  wholly  new  impetus  to  biological  science. 

337-  When  at  last  Darwin,  just  half  a  century  after 
the  appearance  of  Lamarck's  Pliilosophie  zoologique 
(1809),  came  out  with  his  Origin  of  species  (1859), 
laden  still  heavier  with  the  facts  of  observation,  and 
announcing  the  additional  principle  of  natural  selec 
tion,  which  explains  Jwzv  the  transmutation  of  species 
takes  place,  the  whole  world  was  electrified,  and  a 
vast  army  of  investigators  plunged  into  the  field  of 
biology,  determined  to  verify  or  disprove  this  bold  yet 
fascinating  hypothesis.  The  result,  while  it  raised 
the  hypothesis  to  a  law  of  nature,  also  filled  the  world 
with  knowledge  of  organic  life  and  placed  biology  in 
the  front  rank  of  the  advancing  sciences. 

338.  The  law  of  evolution,1  in  large  part  biological, 
but  also  cosmological,  nay,  also  anthropological,  psy- 
chological, and  sociological,  has  been  almost  wholly 
the  product  of  nineteenth-century  science.  It  is  prob- 
ably the  most  important  of  all  the  generalizations  of 
the  human  intellect.     Philosophy  ever  asks  the  ques- 

1  Headley,  Problems  of  evolution.  Stuckenberg,  Sociology,  vol- 
ume II.     Spencer's  Synthetic  philosophy. 


Evolution  287 

tions:  What?  Whence?  Whither?  Not  content  with 
the  conquest  of  nature  and  the  subjection  of  its  laws 
to  human  uses,  man  is  resolved  to  find  out  what  he 
was,  whence  he  came,  and  what  is  to  be  his  destiny. 
Evolution  furnishes  the  first  answer  that  science  has 
ever  made  to  these  questions,  and  when  its  truths 
are  fully  known,  will  furnish  the  final  answer. 

REFERENCES  TO  WARDS  OTHER  WORKS 

Dynamic  sociology.     Chapter  XIII.     Topics  in  Index,  volume  II : 

Evolution  ;  Knowledge  ;  Prevision. 
Psychic  factors.     Index:  Cosmology;  Knowledge. 
Pure  sociology.     Chapter  XIX. 


CHAPTER  XX 

SOCIALIZATION   OF  ACHIEVEMENT 

339.    Human  achievement.     340.    Socialization. 

I.  Social  Regulation.  —  341.  Classification.  342.  Development  of  so 
cial  regulation.  343.  Legal  regulation.  344.  The  juridical  state. 
345.    Importance  of  the  state. 

II.  Collective  Achievement.  —  346.  Conquest  of  man  by  society. 
347.  Necessity  of  collective  regulation.  348.  Growth  of  collec- 
tivism.    349.    Collectivism   and  individualism. 

III.  Social  Invention.  —  350.  Backwardness  of  social  science.  351.  An- 
alysis of  an  invention.  352.  Social  invention  defined.  353.  "  At- 
tractive legislation."  354.  Social  distribution.  355.  The  social 
increment. 

IV.  Social  Appropriation. — 356.  Knowledge  as  achievement.  357. 
Social  heredity.  358.  Duty  of  society.  359.  The  most  useful 
knowledge.  360.  Need  of  a  scientific  system.  361.  The  funda- 
mental principle.  362.  Hindrances  to  civilization.  363.  Public 
education.     364.    Socialization  of  education. 

Human  339.    It   now  becomes    possible   to  show  the  full 

achievement.  significance  0f  human  achievement  as  the  practical 
conquest  of  nature  and  the  subjection  of  all  the  ma- 
terials and  forces  of  nature  to  the  control  and  service 
of  man.  If  we  look  over  the  whole  field  of  human 
achievement  and  social  evolution,  we  shall  see  that  by 
far  the  greater  part  of  it  has  been  accomplished 
through  individual  telesis.  The  initiative  is  almost 
exclusively  individual,  and  the  ends  sought  are  ego- 
centric in  the  widest  sense,  which  must  include  the 

288 


Socialization  289 

satisfaction  of  intellectual,  moral,  and  even  transcen- 
dental interests,  as  well  as  those  so-called    physical 
wants  that  have  to  do  with  the  functions  of  nutrition 
and  reproduction.     The  social  consequences  are  un- 
jP  intended,  and  social  evolution,  however  large  the  telic 
\  factor  in  it  may  be,  is  to  all  intents  and  purposes  un- 
I  conscious.      In   fact,  the  phrase   "  social  evolution " 
snould  be  restricted  wholly  to  this  aspect,  and  would 
exclude  from  it  any  and  all  effects  that  can  be  shown 
to  have  been  consciously  produced.     Such  effects  do 
not  belong  to  evolution.     They  are  products  of  social 
or  collective  telesis. 

340.  The  word  socialization,  now  much  used  by  Socialization 
certain  writers,  is  as  yet  undifferentiated  and  has 
been  given  various  shades  of  meaning,  though  all  more 
or  less  connected  with  the  ideas  conveyed  by  the 
word  social.  There  has  been,  however,  of  late  a 
tendency  on  the  part  of  careful  writers  to  give  to  the 
verb  socialize  and  the  noun  socialization  a  special 
meaning  susceptible  to  exact  definition.  Thus,  to 
socialize  an  industry,  for  example,  means  that  society 
takes  it  under  its  charge  and  conducts  it  for  its  bene- 
fit. Socialization  in  this  sense  is  conscious,  inten- 
tional, wished  for,  and  welcomed  telic  action,  not  of 
the  individual  as  such,  but  of  those  individuals  into 
whose  hands  society,  by  whatever  means,  intrusts  the 
conduct  of  its  affairs.  If  we  were  to  inquire  what 
has  actually  been  accomplished  in  this  direction,  at 
first  glance  it  might  seem  that  very  little  would  be 
found  to  reward  such  a  search.  Society  in  its  col- 
lective capacity  makes  few  inventions  or  scientific 
discoveries,  and  it  also,  for  the  most  part,  leaves  the 
u 


290  Socialization   of  Achievement 

practical  application  of  these  to  social  ends,  to  private 
enterprise,  and  the  keen  business  instincts  of  indi- 
viduals, capitalists,  and  the  various  voluntary  or- 
ganizations devoted  to  the  accumulation  of  wealth. 
For  anything  answering  to  our  definition  of  socializa- 
tion some  preliminary  explanation  must  first  be  made. 

I.    Social  Regulation 

ciassifica-  341.    The  classification  of  the  functions  of  society 

tIon-  into  regulative  and  operative  1  is  fundamental.    While 

human  achievement  constitutes  one  at  least  of  the 
most  important  operative  functions  of  society,  social 
regulation  is  that  which  makes  it  possible,  is  in  fact 
a  sine  qua  non  of  it.  The  conception  of  achievement 
must  therefore  be  widened,  and  made  to  include  the 
regulative  function  itself.  Furthermore  we  see  that 
social  regulation  is  no  longer  individual  achievement 
but  collective  achievement,  and  thus  the  condition  to 
all  achievement  is  seen  to  be  a  product,  not  of  indi- 
vidual, but  of  social,  telesis.  Let  us  look  further  into 
this. 
Development  342.  It  is  generally  recognized  that  many  animals 
are  only  enabled  to  survive  in  the  struggle  for  ex- 
istence by  dint  of  their  gregarious  or  social  habits. 
But  none  of  these  are  able  to  migrate  indefinitely  and 
people  the  whole  globe.  This  was  the  prerogative  of 
man,  but  not  until  he  had  not  only  acquired  the  social 
habit,  but  had  developed  the  regulative  function. 
Whether  this  was  matriarchal  or  patriarchal,  royal  or 
sacerdotal,  it  was  regulative,  and  had  the  power  to 
check  all  wayward  tendencies  inimical   to  the  race. 

1  Spencer,  The  principles  of  sociology,  volume  I,  p.  459  (§  210). 


of  social 
regulation. 


Social   Regulation  291 

In  fact,  long  before  there  was  anything  that  deserves 
the  name  of  government,  there  existed  that  group 
sentiment  of  the  need  of  race  preservation,  which, 
call  it  religion,  law,  government,  or  whatever  you 
choose,  actually  regulated  the  horde,  clan,  or  social 
group,  and  permitted  the  operative  functions  to  go 
on.  Not  merely  the  sentiment,  but  also  the  corre- 
sponding social  structure  existed,  capable  of  enforc- 
ing the  requirements  of  the  group  and  punishing  all 
antisocial  violations  of  the  group  will.  This  was 
chiefly  in  the  nature  of  "  ceremonial  government," 
but  it  was  effective  and  all  that  was  needed  at  that 
stage  of  social  development.  This  group  sentiment 
was  at  least  dimly  conscious.  It  was  certainly  inten- 
tional, and  the  results  accomplished  were  desired  and 
welcomed.  It  was  a  product  of  the  group  mind  and 
had  all  the  essential  qualities  of  a  telic  phenomenon. 
All  this  becomes  increasingly  true  through  all  the 
early  stages  of  society  until  we  arrive  at  the  later 
stage  following  upon  the  first  race  amalgamation  due 
to  conquest  and  subjugation. 

343.  The  first  step  in  the  direction  of  the  amal-  Legal  regu- 
gamation  of  two  races  thus  brought  together  was  the 
gradual  substitution  of  a  form  of  general  regulation 
for  the  crude  special  regulation  of  the  military  power, 
which  ultimately  became  too  onerous  and  annoying 
for  the  conquering  race  longer  to  tolerate.  This  took 
the  form  of  primitive  law  and  finally  grew  into  a 
system  of  jurisprudence.  It  was  the  natural  homo- 
logue  at  this  stage  of  the  primordial  group  regulation 
or  ceremonial  government,  and  no  doubt  many  of  the 
features  of  the  former  were  retained   as  a  basis   for 


lation. 


292  Socialization  of  Achievement 

the  latter.  The  power  was  still  military,  but  the 
amount  of  energy  that  it  was  necessary  to  expend  in 
enforcing  general  rules  was  far  less  than  had  been 
required  to  treat  each  case  separately.  Although 
primarily  devoted  to  holding  down  the  subject  race, 
this  system  proved  capable  of  being  applied  to  other 
forms  of  regulation. 
The  juridical  344-  By  far  the  most  important  consequence  of 
state.  this  was  the  constitution  of  the  state.    By  a  perfectly 

natural  evolutionary  process  society  everywhere  and 
always  has  worked  out  a  regulative  system.  It  was 
the  necessity  for  general  regulation  to  take  the  place 
of  the  wasteful  and  difficult  special  regulation  incident 
to  conquest  that  gave  rise  to  a  system  of  law,  and  it 
was  because  of  the  necessity  for  a  social  mechanism 
capable  of  enforcing  law  that  the  state  grew  up  and 
took  definite  form.1  It  was  shown  that  until  the  state 
was  formed  there  could  be  no  property.  There  is  no 
such  thing  as  right  outside  the  state.  If  property 
cannot  exist  except  under  the  protection  of  the  state, 
there  can  of  course  be  no  such  thing  as  capital.  There 
can  be  no  industry  in  the  economic  sense.  There  is 
no  use  accumulating ;  the  surplus  cannot  be  retained. 
Wealth  is  only  possible  under  the  state.  The  more 
we  reflect  upon  it  the  clearer  we  see  that  while  the 
state  itself  achieves  little,  it  is  the  condition  to  nearly 
all  achievement.  The  state  was  primarily  the  medi- 
ator between  conflicting  races.  Immediately  follow- 
ing the  conquest  the  conquered  race  had  no  status. 
It  was  completely  under  the  dominion  of  the  con- 
quering race.      Under  the  state  as  soon  as   formed 

1  Bluntschli,  Theory  of  the  staL.      Willoughby,  Nature  of  the  state. 


The  Third  Estate  293 

the  conquered  race  acquired  rights,  and  the  members 
of  the  conquering  race  were  assigned  duties.  The 
state  thus  becomes  a  powerful  medium  of  social  as- 
similation. The  capable  and  meritorious  of  the 
subject  race  are  given  opportunity  to  exercise  their 
faculties.  The  members  of  the  community  not  be- 
longing to  the  nobility  or  the  priestly  caste  enter 
into  business  arrangements,  become  a  mercantile  or 
capitalist  class,  and  control  the  finances  of  the  people. 
These  ultimately  form  the  "third  estate,"  which,  on 
account  of  its  activity  and  usefulness,  is  destined  to 
increase  in  influence,  as  all  history  has  shown.  From 
it  chiefly,  too,  are  recruited  all  the  inventors,  artists, 
and  finally  the  men  of  letters  and  of  science.  Even 
in  Greece  the  priesthood  had  ceased  to  supply  the 
brain  of  the  race.  After  the  revival  of  learning  in 
western  Europe  the  nobility  and  the  clergy  fell 
almost  entirely  out  of  the  ranks  of  those  who  were 
advancing  the  world.  From  that  time  social  progress 
was  intrusted  to  the  middle  class,  the  industrial  and 
commercial  class.  Many  eminent  men  of  science, 
however,  as  De  Candolle1  shows,  have  been  sons  or 
descendants  of  Protestant  clergymen.  The  Catholic 
clergy,  having  no  descendants,  contributed  next  to 
nothing. 

345.   The  state  was  therefore  the  most  important  importance 
step  taken  by  man  in  the  direction  of  controlling  the  ofthestate- 
social  forces.     The  only  possible  object  in  doing  this 
was  the  good  of  society  as  a  whole.     In  part  it  was 
no  doubt  a  sentiment  of  safety.     The  greatest  good 
possible   would    be   its  salvation.      But   this   ethical 

1  Histoire  des  sciences  et  des  savants,  2e  ed.,  1885. 


294  Socialization  of  Achievement 

sentiment  was  something  more  than  mere  race  ethics. 
There  was  mingled  with  it  some  idea  of  actual  social 
benefit.  This  went  still  farther  and  embraced  some 
vague  conception  of  amelioration  and  of  social  prog- 
ress. But  nearly  everybody,  and  especially  the 
weaker,  who  also  constitute  much  the  larger  classes 
of  society,  instinctively  feel  that  the  state  means  well 
for  them  and  is  always  doing  all  that  the  influential 
classes  will  allow  it  to  do  for  the  benefit  of  society  at 
large.  The  old  maxim  of  the  common  law  that  "  the 
king  can  do  no  wrong"  merely  reflects  this  truth. 
The  state  can  only  err.  It  cannot  commit  crime  or 
do  a  wrong  act.  It  has  no  malice  or  enmity,  at  least 
toward  its  own  citizens.  Their  good  is  all  it  knows 
or  aims  at.  We  thus  see  that  the  state,  though  ge- 
netic in  its  origin,  is  telic  in  its  method  ;  that  it  has 
but  one  purpose,  function,  or  mission,  that  of  securing 
the  welfare  of  society ;  that  its  mode  of  operation  is 
that  of  preventing  the  antisocial  actions  of  indi- 
viduals ;  that  in  doing  this  it  increases  the  freedom 
of  human  action  so  long  as  it  is  not  antisocial ;  that 
the  state  is  therefore  essentially  moral  or  ethical ; 
that  its  own  acts  must  necessarily  be  ethical;  that 
being  a  natural  product  it  must  in  a  large  sense  be 
representative ;  that  in  point  of  fact  it  always  is  as 
good  as  society  will  permit  it  to  be ;  that  while  thus 
far  in  the  history  of  society  the  state  has  rarely  per- 
formed acts  that  tend  to  advance  mankind,  it  has 
been  the  condition  to  all  achievement,  making  pos- 
sible all  the  social,  industrial,  artistic,  literary,  and 
scientific  activities  that  go  on  within  the  state  and 
under  its  protection.     There  is  no  other  human  insti- 


Conquest  of  Man  295 

tution  with  which  the  state  can  be  compared,  and  yet, 
in  view  of  all  this,  it  is  the  most  important  of  all 
human  institutions. 

II.    Collective  Achievement 

346.  It  has  been  said  that  the  state  achieves  little. 
It  would  have  been  better  to  say  that  society  in  its 
collective  capacity  does  not  take  a  direct  part  in  the 
operations  that  have  been  described  under  the  head 
of  achievement.  The  greater  part  of  these  belong  to 
the  general  movement  that  has  resulted  in  the  con- 
quest of  nature.  This  was  preeminently  the  work 
of  the  individual.  In  contradistinction  to  this,  the 
achievements  of  society,  if  we  can  call  them  so,  have 
related  to  a  sort  of  conquest  of  man.  This  has 
consisted  in  gaining  a  greater  and  greater  mastery  of 
the  social  forces,  primarily  of  the  antisocial  effects 
of  the  social  forces  in  the  interest  of  social  safety. 
It  has  been  maintained  from  the  first  that  man  is  not 
by  nature  a  social  being  in  the  full  sense  of  that 
expression.  He  was  from  the  beginning  and  has 
always  remained  an  exceedingly  quarrelsome  and 
willful  animal.  It  has  been  noted  that  predaceous 
animals  are  not  usually  gregarious.  Man  early  be- 
came carnivorous,  or  rather  omnivorous,  and  canni- 
balism is  one  of  the  phases  through  which  he  has 
everywhere  passed.  The  enslavement  of  the  cap- 
tured, which  gradually  succeeded  and  ultimately 
supplanted  cannibalism,  was  a  matter  of  policy  and 
the  rational  calculation  of  the  greatest  gain.  Exploi- 
tation worked  no  diminution  in  the  predatory  and 
ferocious  nature  of  man.     His  whole  career  has  been 


296 


Socialization  of  Achievement 


marked  by  belligerency,  internecine  strife,  and  uni- 
versal rapacity.  The  slow  growth  of  sympathy  and 
the  moral  sentiments  somewhat  mitigated  this,  but 
less  than  is  commonly  supposed,  and  but  for  the 
beneficent  power  of  the  state,  seen  by  all  to  be  in 
their  interest,  society  would  have  been  impossible. 
Wherever  this  is  even  temporarily  and  locally  with- 
drawn, a  state  of  things  invariably  results  which  is 
not  only  intolerable,  but  utterly  incompatible  with  any 
form  of  human  achievement.  It  is  well  known  that 
the  state  was  very  slow  in  taking  the  punishment  of 
crime  out  of  the  hands  of  private  individuals,  and  the 
great  prevalence  of  family  feuds  was  a  consequence 
of  this.1 

347.  But  for  collective  action  in  some  form  this 
would  be  the  normal  condition  of  human  society,  or 
rather  of  the  human  animal,  for  there  could  be  no 
society.  In  other  cases  where  collective  regulation  is 
weak  and  ineffective  we  have  a  general  state  of  brig- 
andage. Such  has  been  the  condition  of  southern 
Europe  during  long  periods,  and  such  is  still  the  con- 
dition of  parts  of  it.  It  was  with  such  conditions  as 
these  that  society  had  primarily  to  grapple,  and  no 
one  can  say  that  it  has  not  upon  the  whole  success- 
fully accomplished  its  task.  From  the  standpoint  of 
achievement  such  action  is  to  be  compared  to  all  that 
part  of  the  conquest  of  nature  which  relates  to  the 
mastery  of  hostile  forces.  The  averting  of  evil  natu- 
rally precedes  the  extracting  of  good  from  the  raw  ele- 
ments of  nature,  and  we  do  not  deny  to  the  invention 

1  "  The  origin  of  criminal  law,"  by  William  W.  Billson,  Popular  sci- 
ence monthly,  volume  XVI,  February,  1880,  p.  438. 


collectivism. 


Collectivism  297 

of  clothing  and  shelter  the  title  to  be  called  achieve- 
ments, while  awarding  that  title  to  the  invention  of  a 
mortar  for  grinding  corn.  Society  has  always  been 
rent  by  conflicting  interests,  and  the  great  problem 
that  presented  itself  to  collectivity  was  that,  not  of 
harmonizing,  but  of  reconciling,  such  conflicting  inter- 
ests. The  means  were  law  and  the  state,  and  the 
result  was  the  substitution  of  civil  justice  for  natural 
justice.  Society  exists  because  the  rational  mind  was 
capable  of  perceiving  the  mutual  advantageousness 
of  submitting  to  authority.  The  process  is  one  of 
adaptation,  and  law,  state,  society,  and  civilization 
are  products  of  creative  synthesis. 

348.  The  domain  of  purely  social  action  was  at  Growth  of 
first  very  limited.  As  all  know,  the  punishment  of 
crime  against  individuals  was  not  made  a  duty  of 
society  until  after  the  fall  of  the  feudal  regime.  The 
only  crimes  considered  by  the  state  were  crimes 
against  the  state.  But  this  is  by  no  means  the  only 
function  now  considered  necessarily  collective  that 
was  once  not  so  considered.  Revenues  were  exten- 
sively farmed  out  to  private  parties,  and  the  finances 
of  nations  were  largely  in  the  hands  of  individual 
financiers.  It  is  generally  believed  that  collectivism 
at  the  present  time  is  more  pronounced  on  the  Conti- 
nent than  it  is  in  England,  and  in  certain  respects 
this  is  true,  particularly  with  regard  to  railroads  ;  but 
there  seems  to  have  been  a  greater  amount  of  factory 
and  other  forms  of  moral  legislation  in  England.  In 
the  United  States  there  is  no  settled  principle,  and  it 
is  a  question  of  majorities  and  political  influence. 
But  the  less  favored  classes  are  beginning  to  learn 


298 


Socialization  of  Achievement 


Collectivism 
and  individ- 
ualism. 


the  power  of  their  ballots  and  are  casting  them  in 
increasing  numbers  for  collectivism.  Australasian 
countries  have  taken  the  longest  strides  in  this  direc- 
tion, but  the  movement  is  more  marked  in  some 
parts  than  in  others.  New  Zealand  leads,  but  South 
Australia  is  not  far  behind.1 

349.  The  growth  of  collectivism  has  been  from  the 
first  a  struggle  with  the  forces  of  individualism,  which 
were  unrestrained  and  supreme  at  the  outset.  It  is 
making  a  gradual  conquest  of  this  field,  just  as  the 
individual  mind  is  conquering  the  field  of  physical 
nature,  where  the  primitive  forces  were  originally 
acting  each  for  itself.  The  formation  of  the  state 
supported  by  general  laws  was  the  first  step  taken 
by  the  collective  mind.  It  checked  rapacity,  but 
furthered  activity.  It  has  never  ceased  to  do  so 
even  in  countries  farthest  advanced  in  collectivism. 
The  freer  the  individual  activity  the  more  fully  will 
this  law  act,  and  the  whole  movement  may  almost  be 
described  as  the  growth  of  individualism.  Collectiv- 
ism is  not  therefore  the  opposite  of  individualism. 
It  is  the  failure  to  see  this  that  makes  English  col- 
lectivism, and  Anglo-Saxon  collectivism  in  general, 
such  a  paradox.  That  it  should  prove  that  the  great 
Anglo-Saxon  race,  the  embodiment  of  the  principle 
of  free   individual  initiative,  has  made   the    longest 


1  Newest  England.  Notes  of  a  democratic  traveller  in  New  Zea- 
land, with  some  Australian  comparisons,  by  Henry  Demarest  Lloyd, 
New  York,  1900.  See  also  Fabian  tract,  No.  74,  London,  1896.  For 
illustrations  in  South  Australia,  see  Bulletin  of  the  American  acad- 
emy of  political  and  social  science,  New  Series,  No.  10,  Philadelphia, 
November   14,  1899  ;   Publications  of  the  academy,  No.  264,  pp.  7-10. 


Social   Invention  299 

strides  in  the  direction  of  social  initiative  and  social 
achievement,  is  the  marvel  of  those  who  ascribe 
Anglo-Saxon  supremacy  to  this  individualistic  attri- 
bute. These  writers,  among  whom  we  find  Frenchmen 
such  as  Demolins,1  see  only  half  of  the  truth.  The 
whole  truth  is  that  Anglo-Saxon  supremacy  is  due  to 
the  ability  of  that  race  to  see  and  act  upon  the  prin- 
ciple that  while  individual  initiative  can  alone  accom- 
plish great  results,  it  must  be  free,  and  that,  under  the 
influence  of  the  normal  and  natural  forces  of  society, 
and  taking  the  whole  of  human  nature  into  the  account, 
it  cannot  be  free  unless  the  avenues  for  its  activity  be 
kept  open  by  the  power  of  society  at  large.  Even 
the  economists  are  beginning  to  see  that  "  free  com- 
petition" in  business  is  a  myth,  unless  it  be  protected 
from  the  universal  tendency  of  all  competition  in 
nature  speedily  and  surely  to  end  in  monopoly. 

III.    Social  Invention 

350.  We  have  seen  that  society  has  already  gone  Backward- 
far  beyond  its  primitive  role  of  mere  regulation,  with  r 
a  view  to  antagonizing  the  natural  competitive 
influences  that  choke  individual  activity,  exaggerate 
inequalities,  and  restrict  liberty.  It  has  achieved  in 
much  the  same  sense  that  the  individual  achieves,  the 
chief  difference  being  that  it  has  had  to  deal  with  the 
far  more  complex  and  inscrutable  social  forces.  We 
have  now  to  note  another  parallel  between  individual 
achievement  and  social  achievement.  We  saw  in  the 
last  chapter  that  most  individual  achievement  had 
been  due  to  invention  and  scientific  discovery  in  the 

1  Anglo-Saxon  superiority.    Translation,  London,  1899. 


science. 


300  Socialization  of  Achievement 

domain  of  the  physical  forces.  The  parallel  consists 
in  the  fact  that  social  achievement  consists  in  inven- 
tion and  discovery  in  the  domain  of  the  social  forces. 
Until  within  a  few  years  there  has  been  no  investi- 
gation in  social  science  such  as  that  which  led  to  the 
scientific  era  in  the  other  departments.  The  study 
of  society  is  to-day  where  that  of  physics  and  chem- 
istry was  in  the  fifteenth  century.  There  are  still 
those  in  high  seats  of  learning  who  deny  that  there 
are  social  laws  in  the  scientific  sense.  Those  whose 
business  it  is  to  deal  practically  and  directly  with  the 
social  forces,  legislators,  administrators,  judges,  have 
rarely  ever  opened  a  book  on  sociology.  Is  there, 
indeed,  on  sociology  a  book  from  which  they  could 
gather  any  useful  principles  to  guide  them  in  the 
performance  of  their  duties?  There  certainly  should 
be  text-books  plainly  setting  forth  these  practical 
principles,  and  the  science  should  be  taught  to  all 
who  are  at  all  likely  ever  to  be  called  upon  to  perform 
any  of  these  high  functions. 
Analysis  of  351.  If  we  carefully  analyze  an  invention,  we 
shall  find  that  it  consists  first  in  recognizing  a  prop- 
erty or  force,  and  secondly  in  making  material  ad- 
justments calculated  to  cause  that  property  or  force 
to  act  in  the  manner  desired  by  the  inventor,  presum- 
ably to  his  advantage.  He  recognizes  the  property 
or  force  as  always  operative.  The  only  difference  he 
makes  in  it  is  to  cause  it  to  act  in  a  certain  way  dif- 
ferent from  the  way  in  which  it  was  acting  before  he 
made  his  adjustments.  In  dealing  with  animals, 
while  they  are  often  driven  and  compelled  through 
fear  to  go  where  they  are  wanted,  it  is  usually  found 


an  invention. 


Attractive   Legislation  301 

easier  and  cheaper  in  energy  expended  to  induce  or 
attract  them  by  appealing  to  some  want  that  is  easily 
satisfied,  as  by  showing  them  a  lump  of  salt. 

352.  Now  the  desires  and  wants  of  men  constitute  Social  inven- 

,  1         r  r  •    .  c-       •    i     •  !_•  •   ^      •       ticm  defined. 

the  forces  of  society.  Social  invention  consists  m 
making  such  adjustments  as  will  induce  men  to  act 
in  the  manner  most  advantageous  to  society.  It  is 
possible,  as  with  animals,  to  drive  them,  to  force 
them,  to  coerce  and  compel  them;  but  it  is  far  better, 
safer,  and  more  economical,  whenever  possible,  to 
secure  the  end  through  some  form  of  persuasion  or 
inducement.  The  law  of  parsimony,  as  has  been 
pointed  out,  is  a  universal  law,  and  can  be  implicitly 
relied  upon.  The  social  inventor  has  only  to  make 
sure  what  will  constitute  a  greater  gain  or  marginal 
advantage  and  to  devise  measures  that  will  harmonize 
this  with  the  social  good,  in  order  to  secure  with 
unerring  certainty  such  a  course  of  action  on  the  part 
of  all  affected  by  the  measures  as  will  secure  the  end 
sought. 

353.  If  in  the  framing  of  human  laws  this  principle  "Attractive 
were  always  carefully  studied,  it  would  soon  be  dis-  le£IsIa,10n- 
covered  that  man  is  as  easily  managed  by  intelligence, 

as,  in  the  last  chapter,  nature  was  shown  to  be.  It 
would  be  found  that  mandatory  and  prohibitory,  and 
indeed  penal  legislation  generally  is  for  the  most  part 
unnecessary.  That  form  of  legislation,  always  here- 
tofore and  still  the  predominant  type,  is  very  expen- 
sive in  many  ways,  but  chiefly  in  causing  irritation 
and  reaction,  and  thus  weakening  the  authority  of  the 
state.  The  day  will  undoubtedly  come  when  it  will 
be  held  to  be  intolerable.     It  restricts  human  liberty, 


302  Socialization  of  Achievement 

of  course  presumably  by  liberating  other  assumed  in- 
nocent parties  whose  liberty  had  been  abridged  by 
the  offender.  But  the  contention  is  that  only  the 
most  obdurate  offenders  require  to  have  their  liberty 
restricted,  since  they,  too,  have  wants,  and  the  social 
inventor  should  devise  means  by  which  such  wants 
shall  be  spontaneously  satisfied  through  wholly  innoc- 
uous or  even  socially  beneficial  action.  This  is  the 
principle  called  attractive  legislation.1  This  prin- 
ciple has  been  acted  upon  by  enlightened  states, 
though  only  to  a  limited  extent.  Most  of  the  ex- 
amples relate  to  the  collection  of  revenues,  which, 
from  its  paramount  necessity,  is  the  field  in  which 
the  keenest  collective  thinking  has  been  done. 

Moral  purposes  are  also  sometimes  secured  through 
the  application  of  this  principle,  as  where  commodi- 
ties regarded  as  socially  injurious  are  excluded  by 
duties  so  high  as  to  become  prohibitive,  or  where  busi- 
nesses, such  as  lotteries,  considered  immoral,  are  for- 
bidden to  send  advertisements  through  the  mails. 

354.  Special  attention  should  be  called  to  the  fact 
that  it  is  not  so  much  production  as  distribution  that 
calls  for  intelligent  collective  action.  Science  and 
invention  under  purely  individual  initiative  have 
rendered  production  practically  unlimited.  It  is 
limited  only  by  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  dis- 
tribution. This  is  an  exclusively  social  problem 
and  can  only  be  solved  by  social  action.  It  is  to-day 
the  most  important  of  all  social  problems,  because  its 
complete  solution  would  accomplish  nothing  less  than 
the  abolition  of  poverty  and  want  from  society. 

1  See  reference  at  end  of  chapter. 


Social   Appropriation  303 

355.  One  by  one  are  the  great  achievements  of  the  The  social 
individual  intellect  becoming  socialized  through  collec-  incremenU 
tive  action.     The  question  is  being  seriously  asked 

why  society  as  a  whole,  and  all  mankind  from  the 
highest  to  the  lowest,  should  not  profit  by  the  brilliant 
achievements  of  the  elite  of  mankind.  Inventors  and 
scientific  discoverers  are  generous,  and  if  they  could 
dictate  the  policy  of  the  world,  the  results  would  be 
freely  distributed  and  completely  socialized.  All  they 
would  ask  would  be  a  modest  competency  for  them- 
selves and  their  families  and  a  decent  legacy  for  their 
heirs.  Many  of  them,  however,  never  obtain  even 
this.  The  results  are  taken  up  by  the  great  eco- 
nomic world,  as,  indeed,  they  should  be  and  must  be, 
if  they  are  ever  realized,  and  society  secures  only  so 
much  as  cannot  be  prevented  from  filtering  through 
the  economic  sieve,  which  is  often  very  fine.  The 
great  world  movement  of  socialization  is  nothing 
else  than  the  gradual  recognition  of  this  by  society 
in  its  collective  capacity,  and  the  tardy,  often  fitful, 
inconsistent,  and  uneven,  but  yet  sure  and  steady, 
determination  ultimately  to  claim  and  to  have  its  full 
share  in  the  achievement  of  the  human  race. 

IV.    Social  Appropriation 

356.  Human  achievement,  it  will  be  remembered,  Knowledge 
consists  essentially  in  knowledge  —  knowledge  of 
what  and  of  how,  of  things  and  of  ways  —  which  con- 
stitutes from  the  time  of  its  acquisition  a  perpetual 
source  of  all  material  and  spiritual  blessings.  The 
products  perish,  are  consumed  and  enjoyed,  but  the 
knowledge  insures  their  unlimited  reproduction  and 


as  achieve- 
ment. 


304  Socialization  of  Achievement 

multiplication.  It  is  therefore  of  the  utmost  impor- 
tance that  this  knowledge  be  preserved.  What  spe- 
cially characterizes  the  historical  races  is  that  they 
have  preserved  the  knowledge  bequeathed  to  them 
by  their  predecessors  and  are  constantly  adding  to  it, 
making  the  result  cumulative.  But  knowledge,  the 
social  germ-plasm,  is  incapable  of  hereditary  trans- 
mission. 
Social  357.    Social  heredity,  or  social  continuity,  consists 

in  the  social  transmission  of  this  plasm  from  genera- 
tion to  generation,  and  this  is  not  a  vital  but  a  social 
process.  It  consists  in  planting  knowledge  into  in- 
dividual minds  after  they  are  born.  No  one  is  born 
with  the  least  rudiment  of  it  inherent  in  his  mental 
constitution.  Every  one  must  acquire  every  item  of 
it  during  life.  Cut  off  any  portion  of  mankind  from 
the  main  stream  of  thought  and  it  loses  at  once  all 
that  has  been  bequeathed  to  the  civilized  world  at 
such  enormous  cost.  This  knowledge,  wrought  by 
toil  and  struggle,  by  patience  and  thought,  by  genius 
and  skill,  and  heaped  up  little  by  little  through  ages 
of  time,  is  the  Promethean  fire  that  must  never  be 
allowed  to  go  out. 
Duty  of  358.    The  supreme  duty  of  civilized  man  is  there- 

society.  £ore  obviously   to  maintain  the  continuity  of  social 

knowledge.  It  is  social  self-preservation  and  is  as 
imperative  from  the  standpoint  of  society  as  is  life 
from  the  standpoint  of  the  individual.  Density  of 
population,  the  press,  means  of  travel  and  intercom- 
munication, and  the  needs  of  commerce  and  industry, 
suffice  to  insure  the  general  economic  and  material 
results  of  achievement,  and  to  make  the  knowledge 


useful 
knowledge. 


Knowledge  305 

of  which  it  consists  generally  available  in  society. 
But  this  is  not  complete  social  appropriation.  This 
cannot  be  attained  until  the  mass  of  mankind  shall 
possess  not  merely  the  benefits  of  achievement  but  the 
knowledge  itself.  This  knowledge  is  confined  to  a 
mere  handful.  No  one  possesses  it  all,  for  it  is  so 
vast  that  the  best  informed  can  have  only  general 
acquaintance  with  it  as  a  whole.  But  by  a  careful 
classification  it  is  possible  to  reduce  it  to  a  scheme  that 
shall  practically  place  it  within  the  power  of  the  ordi- 
nary mind  to  grasp  and  hold  it,  if  presented  in  the 
proper  way. 

359.  What  knowledge  is  on  the  whole  of  most  worth  ?  The  most 
In  reply  it  may  be  said  that  knowledge  should  be 
both  general  and  practical.  A  knowledge  of  gener- 
alized truth  enables  a  person  to  grasp  the  principles 
that  underlie  natural  phenomena,  to  exercise  control 
over  the  forces  of  nature,  and  to  expand  the  powers 
of  his  mind  for  still  other  and  broader  generaliza- 
tions. Such  truths  moreover  are  easy  of  comprehen- 
sion. They  deal  with  phenomena  and  hence  with 
the  concrete.  No  higher  intellectual  powers  are 
required  to  grasp  them  than  are  regularly  employed 
in  ordinary  life.  Along  practical  lines,  knowledge 
should  primarily  tend  toward  the  preservation  of  life, 
the  fulfillment  of  its  duties,  and  the  increase  of  hap- 
piness. All  this  involves  a  knowledge  of  the  environ- 
ment. It  is  a  knowledge  of  things,  not  of  the  ways 
of  doing  things,  which  is  technical  knowledge.  Such 
knowledge  would  enable  a  person  more  wisely  to 
forefend  his  life  and  to  satisfy  higher  standards  of 
physical,  intellectual,  and  social  wants. 


3°6 


Socialization  of  Achievement 


360.  Among  the  most  highly  civilized  races  the 
degree  of  intellectual  capacity  already  possessed  is 
ample  for  the  establishment  of  an  efficient  social  sys- 
tem. But,  although  the  amount  of  useful  knowledge 
in  the  possession  of  society  is  sufficient,  if  properly 
utilized,  to  elevate  materially  the  standards  of  social 
life,  yet  the  average  person  possesses  so  little  of  this 
knowledge  that  he  is  not  able  to  develop  himself  to  a 
high  degree  of  efficiency.  An  essential  condition  for 
future  social  progress,  therefore,  is  the  perfection- 
ment  of  a  scientific  system  for  the  more  thorough 
and  equal  distribution  of  the  great  mass  of  social 
knowledge  already  originated.  In  other  words,  the 
organization  and  distribution  of  knowledge  should  no 
longer  be  left  to  chance.  Society  should  itself  by  a 
systematic  and  wise  direction  furnish  all  its  members 
with  that  fund  of  social  knowledge  which  will  enable 
them  to  attain  a  far  higher  degree  of  individual  ad- 
vantage, and  thereby  to  contribute  to  social  progress 
and  improvement.  The  general  conduct  of  mankind 
is  determined  by  the  opinions  men  hold.  If  such 
opinions  are  based  on  progressive  principles,  progress- 
ive actions  will  surely  result.  Education,  from  the 
social  standpoint,  is  a  systematic  process  for  the 
manufacture  of  correct  opinions.  If  the  knowledge 
imparted  is  of  a  high  order  of  generality  and  practi- 
cality, the  general  intelligence  of  mankind  would 
develop  progressive  ideas  and  show  increased  capac- 
ity. Intellect  would  be  strengthened  and  views  ex- 
panded. Nothing  is  so  effective  in  developing  brain 
capacity  as  constant  contact  with  broad  and  practical 
truth. 


A   Menace  to  Social  Progress  307 

361.  In  Dynamic   sociology1  attention  was  called  The  funda- 
to  the  five  kinds  of  education,  viz.,  the  education  of  p^dpie 
experience,  discipline,  culture,  research,  and  informa- 
tion, and  this  discussion  need  not  be  repeated.     The 
fundamental  principle  involved  in  the  system  is  that 
education  should  emphasize  the  contents  of  the  mind, 

and  should  insist  on  the  impartation  of  the  most  use- 
ful and  important  truths.  The  normal  mind  longs 
for  such  truth  and  readily  grasps  and  appropriates  it. 
Such  studies  never  weary  or  tax  the  mind,  which 
under  the  present  system  so  often  weakens  under  the 
pressure  of  meaningless  puzzles  and  poorly  coordi- 
nated information.  The  youthful  mind  easily  compre- 
hends scientific  truth,  and  indeed  craves  it,  but 
wearies  of  unnatural  ideas  presented  by  still  more 
unnatural  methods.  The  wise  distribution  of  knowl- 
edge therefore  should  be,  next  to  its  regulative  func- 
tion, society's  most  important  duty,  the  fulfillment 
of  which  should  be  intrusted  to  the  state. 

362.  Civilization  is  both  collective  and  individual.  Hindrances 
It  depends  on  knowledge.  Very  many  inhabitants 
of  civilized  lands  are  still  savage  or  barbarian,  in  that 
they  have  not  assimilated  the  civilization  about  them. 
Most  of  our  pauper  and  criminal  classes  are  such. 
They  have  normal  faculties  and  capacities,  but  have 
not  felt  the  influence  of  higher  civilization.  Under 
present  conditions  they  are  a  drag  and  a  menace  to 
social  progress,  but  under  a  wiser  theory  of  education 
the  benefits  of  civilization  would  be  extended  to  them 
also.  In  self-defense,  if  for  no  other  reason,  the  state 
must  ultimately  recast  its  educational  methods  so  as 

1  Vol.  ii,  pp.  559  et  seq. 


to  civiliza- 
tion. 


308  Socialization  of  Achievement 

to  extend  the  benefits  of  social  knowledge  to  all 
classes  alike.  The  great  mass  of  humanity  are  fully 
capable  of  attaining  a  far  higher  degree  of  progress 
if  afforded  an  opportunity,  and  much  social  capacity 
is  not  utilized  because  untrained.  Greatness  does 
not  depend  on  intellectual  power  so  much  as  on 
emotional  force.  Achievement  is  usually  accom- 
plished by  persons  of  average  intellectual  capacity 
who  have  vigorous  ambition,  strong  will,  and  perse- 
verance. Men  of  greater  intellect  often  lack  aspira- 
tion and  force.  If  society  wisely  educates  the  average 
intelligence,  men  of  greater  capacity  will  certainly 
not  be  neglected.1 

363.  The  consciousness  of  the  necessity  for  the 
social  appropriation  of  human  achievement  has 
worked  itself  out  into  a  variety  of  different  systems 
of  public  education,  but  so  defective  have  been  the 
ideas  of  mankind  as  to  what  constitutes  education, 
that  the  whole  educational  movement  of  the  world  is 
blindly  working  toward  a  confused  ideal.  While 
many  individuals  have  founded  institutions,  and  while 
the  church  has  always  conducted  educational  enter- 
prises, it  is  after  all  the  state,  or  society  in  its  col- 
lective capacity,  that  has  made  the  most  important 
advances  in  this  direction.  Whatever  it  has  done 
has  been  of  a  more  practical  character  than  the 
efforts  of  individuals  or  ecclesiastical  bodies.  While 
it  cannot  be  said  to  have  clearly  seen  that  education 
should  consist  in  the  social  appropriation  of  the 
knowledge  that  has  civilized  the  world,  it  has  taken 
long  steps  toward  the  realization  of  this  truth.    Above 

1  Crozier,  Civilization  and  pi-ogress.     Winship,  Jukes-Edivards. 


Education  through  the  State  309 

all  it  has  acted  more  than  any  other  interest  on  the 
assumption  that  education  is  for  all,  that  it  is  a  social 
need,  that  its  benefits  are  proportional  to  its  general- 
ity. It  is  now,  in  the  leading  countries  of  the  world, 
extending  it  to  the  masses.  In  France,  in  Germany, 
and  in  the  United  States,  it  now  reaches  the  great 
majority  of  the  members  of  society.  It  is  true  that 
for  the  greater  number  of  these  the  amount  of  in- 
struction is  very  small.  It  does  not  include  any 
knowledge  at  all  except  as  incidentally  acquired,  but 
it  usually  puts  into  the  hands  of  the  learner  the  tools 
with  which  he  may,  if  so  disposed,  obtain  knowledge 
for  himself.  The  so-called  rudiments  of  an  education 
are  this  and  nothing  more.  Surely  this  must  always 
be  the  first  step,  but  unfortunately  it  is  too  often  the 
only  one.  But  in  the  great  cities  of  the  world  many 
other  steps  are  taken,  such  as  the  development  of  the 
American  High  School  and  the  State  University. 
These  are  freer  and  more  democratic  than  endowed 
institutions,  and,  while  a  few  are  somewhat  affected 
by  political  issues,  they  are  never  suspected  of  being 
organized  for  the  purpose  of  creating  public  opinion 
on  questions  supposed  to  affect  vested  interests. 

364.  In  France  and  Germany  nearly  all  higher  edu-  Socialization 
cation  is  now  socialized,  and  the  state  regards  public  of  educatloa 
instruction  as  one  of  its  great  functions.  England 
and  other  countries  are  slowly  working  up  toward  this 
ideal,  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  twentieth 
century  will  see  the  complete  socialization  of  educa- 
tion throughout  the  civilized  world.  This  is  as  it 
should  be,  for  it  is  society  that  is  chiefly  interested  in 
the  result.     It  is  the  recipient  of  the  principal  bene- 


310  Socialization  of  Achievement 

fits.  Moreover,  education  is  the  one  kind  of  human 
enterprise  that  cannot  be  brought  under  the  action  of 
the  economic  law  of  supply  and  demand.  It  cannot 
be  conducted  on  "business  principles."  There  is  no 
"  demand "  for  education  in  the  economic  sense. 
The  child  knows  nothing  of  its  value,  and  the  parent 
rarely  desires  it.  Society  is  the  only  interest  that 
can  be  said  to  demand  it,  and  society  must  supply  its 
own  demand.  Those  who  found  educational  institu- 
tions or  promote  educational  enterprises,  put  them- 
selves in  the  place  of  society  and  assume  to  speak  and 
act  for  society,  and  not  for  any  economic  interest. 

The  action  of  society  in  inaugurating  and  carrying 
on  a  great  educational  system,  however  defective  we 
may  consider  that  system  to  be,  is  undoubtedly  the 
most  promising  form  thus  far  taken  by  collective 
achievement.  It  means  much  even  now,  but  for  the 
future  it  means  nothing  less  than  the  complete  social 
appropriation  of  that  individual  achievement  which 
has  civilized  the  world.  It  is  the  crowning  act  in  the 
long  list  of  acts  that  constitute  the  socialization  of 
achievement. 

REFERENCES   TO  WARDS   OTHER   WORKS 

Dynamic  sociology .     Chapter  XIV.    Topics  in  Index,  volume  II: 

Attractive  legislation  ;  Crime  ;  Dangerous  classes  ;  Education  ; 

Evil;  Government;   Inequality;  Laws;   Legislation;   Society; 

Sociocracy ;  State. 
Psychic  factors.      Chapters  XXXIV   to  XXXVIII.     Topics  in 

Index  :  Competition  ;  Education  ;  Evil ;  Government ;  Human ; 

Legislation  ;  Reform  ;  Reformers  ;  Society  ;  Sociocracy. 
Outlines  of  sociology.     Chapter  XII. 
Pure  sociology.     Chapter  XX. 
Articles.     What   shall    the   public   schools    teach  ?    Broadening 

the  way  to  success.    The  transmission  of  culture. 


INDEX 


[References  are  to  pages.] 


Academies,  Scientific,  284. 
Achievement,  32,  57,  144,  147,  195, 

196,  208,  214,  222-224,  22°- 
— ,   Individual     vs.     social.       See 

Telesis. 
— ,  Love  of,  45-47. 
— ,  Social,  through   the   conquest 

of  nature,  Chapter  XIX. 
— ,  Socialization  of,  Chapter  XX. 
— ,The  subject-matter  of  Sociology 

is,  Chapter  V. 
Acquired  characters,  91. 
Action,  a,  64,  65,  73,  229,  232. 
Activities  of  natural  products,  57, 

58. 
Adams,  Brooks,  15. 
Adaptation,  165. 
Adjustment  in  invention  and  telic 

action,  237,  269,  270. 
Advantage,  Individual    vs.    social, 

255»  265. 
— ,  Principle  of,  108,  259. 
Advantageous  faculties,  265,  272. 
Advertisements,  251. 
AZneid,  15. 
/Esthetic    faculty,   109,    in,    142, 

148,  258. 

—  forces,  78,  142-147,  256. 

—  development,   Stages    of,  142- 
147. 

Affections,  64,  72,   148.     See  also 

Love. 
— ,  Parental    and    consanguineal, 

78,  127-131,  139,  172. 


Affective  faculties,  64,  232. 

Africa,  89,  214. 

Agencies  or  agents  in  society,  79. 

Aggregation,  151. 

Agriculture,  96,  275. 

Ainos,  205. 

Akkas,  205. 

Alexandrian  school,  263. 

Altruism,  136-142,  152,  172,  229. 

Amalgamation,    Race,    no,    185, 

291.     See   also   Race,   Races. 
— ,  Social,  154,  280. 
Ambition,  45,  46. 
America,  15,  147,  214. 
Ampheclexis,  ill,  119,  12O- 
Anaxagoras,  260. 
Anaximander,  260,  281. 
Anaximenes,  260,  281. 
Andreclexis,  no,  ill. 
Androcentric  theory,  The,  107. 
Androcracy,  no,  121. 
Anglo-Saxons,  298,  299. 
Animal   origin   of  man,   177,   179, 

181. 
Animals,    I,    31,   32,   34,   57,   100, 

157,   174,   180,  249,  251,  301. 
— ,  Psychic    attributes   of,  58,  68, 

143.    245-248,    271,    279,    290, 

295- 
Anthropology,   14,  20,  27,  ^,  41, 

42,  284. 
Anthropomorphism,  261. 
Antisocial,  1,  137,  295. 
Appetite,  appetition,  64,  65. 


3" 


312 


Index 


Applied  science,  2. 

Approbation,  Love  of,  46. 

Appropriation,  Social,  303-310. 

Arabic  numerals,  38. 

Archaeology,  19,  271. 

Architecture,  102,  147. 

Aristotle,  205,  263. 

Arithmetic,  37,  38. 

Art  as  a  human  achievement,  32, 
37,  146,  170,  229,  253,  282. 

— ,  Ancient,  144,  145. 

— ,  Empirical,  271. 

— ,  Ideals  in,  49,  50,  143,  258. 

— ,  The  social,  269. 

Artificial  selection,  III. 

Asexual  reproduction.  See  Re- 
production. 

Asiatic  civilization,  214,  274,  275, 
282. 

Assimilation,  Compound,  193-196, 
214,  272,  276. 

— ,  Pacific,  197. 

— ,  Social,  88,  117,  118,  131,  176- 
185,  193-196,  272,  293. 

Association,  Human,  20-22. 

Astronomy,  8,  17,  280,  281,  283, 
285. 

Atavism,  218. 

Atomic  theory,  262,  285. 

Atoms,  69. 

Attractive  legislation,  301-302. 

Australasia,  147,  214,  298. 

Austria,  195. 

Awareness,  65. 

Bachofen,  J.  J.,  112. 

Bacon,    Francis    (Lord   Verulam), 

264. 
Bagehot,  Walter,  189,  203,  276. 
Balfour,  Arthur  J.,  158. 
Barbarian  invasion  of  Rome,  276. 
Bastiat,  Frederic,  28. 
Beautiful,  The,  258. 
Bellamy,  Edward,  50. 


Bible,  139,  192,  275. 
Billson,  William  W.,  296. 
Biologic  origin    of  the  subjective 

faculties,  68. 
Biological    statics   and   dynamics, 

286. 
Biology,  1,  17,  54,    179,  283,  284- 

287. 
— ,  Place  of,  in  the   hierarchy,  8, 

54,  63- 
— ,  Transcendental,  8. 
Blood  bond,  1 30, 1 3 1 ,  1 39,  1 72, 1 73. 
Bluntschli,  Johann  Caspar,  292. 
Botany,  1 1. 

Bourgeoisie,  99,  154,  293. 
Brahminism,  42. 
Brain  as  an  emotional  center,  63, 

117,  256. 
—  development,  117,  179. 
Brigandage,  296. 
Bronze,  Early  use  of,  271,  274. 
Bruno,  Giordano,  264. 
Buddhism,  42,  282. 
Business,  250,  272,  290,  293,  299. 

Candolle,  Alphonse  de,  293. 
Cannibalism,  87,  88,  185,  295. 
Capital   only   possible    under    the 

state,  93,  292. 
Captains  of  industry,  99. 
Carey,  Henry  Charles,  28. 
Caste,  88,  96,   104,  154,  186,  220, 

249,  259,  293. 
Categories,  52. 
Causation,  Law  of,  24,  280. 
Cause,   The   efficient,   57,  58,  60, 

235-237- 
— ,  The  final,  58,  235-238,  246. 
Causes,  Conative,  57,  58,  70. 
— ,  True  nature  of,  4,  69. 
Caveat  emptor,  250. 
Celibacy,  Social  effects  of,  115,  293. 
Centrifugal  and  centripetal  forces, 

162. 


Index 


3l3 


Cephalization,  272. 
Ceremonial  government,  291. 
Chaldean     civilization,    177,    274, 

275,  280,  281. 
Chanty,  31,  140,  221. 
Chemical  elements,  57. 
Chemism,  48,  57. 
Chemistry,  8,  17,  48,  54,  84,  265. 
— ,  Social,  191,  192. 
Chinese,  144,  177,  276,  280,  281. 
Chivalry,  118,  119,  122. 
Christianity,  276,  282. 
Church,  The,  170-172,  282,  308. 
Civility,  Recent  development  of,  55. 
Civilization,  35,  79,  80,  131,   177, 

307- 
— ,  Advance  of,  43,  85,  226,  234, 

277. 
— ,  Definition  of,  35,  227,  237. 
— ,  Material,  35,  95,  105,  227,  237. 
— ,  Spiritual,  35,  79. 
Civilizing  agencies,  91,  226. 
Clan,  130,  138,  291. 
Classification  of  the  phylogenetic 

forces,  112,  113. 
sciences,  7— 11,  54. 

—  —  —  social  forces,  Chapter 
VIII. 

sociogenetic   forces,  132, 

133- 

Cleavage,  Social,  280. 
Clepsydra,  275. 

Collective       achievement.  See 

Achievement. 

—  telesis.     See  Telesis. 
Collectivism,     297-299,     and    see 

Telesis. 
Collision,  69. 
Colonization,  15. 
Comfort,  102. 

Communal  property.    See  Property. 
Communication,  Age  of,  278. 
Compass,  Invention  of  the,  276. 
Competition,  87,  299. 


Comte,  Auguste,  7-9,  54. 

Conation,  208,  222-227. 

Conative  causes,  57,  58,  60,  61,  64. 

—  faculty,  69-71,73. 
Conception,  concepts,  232. 
Conjugal  love,  123-127. 
Conjugation,  185,  194. 
Conquest  and  subjugation,  88,  184, 

185,  291. 

—  of  man,  295. 

nature,  271,  272,  282,  287, 

288,  295,  296. 

Consanguineal  forces.  See  Affec- 
tions. 

—  love.     See  Love. 

—  relationship,  180,  210. 
Consciousness,  72,  143,  232. 
— ,  Social,  55. 

Conservation  of  energy,   62,   164, 

227. 
Conservatism,  221. 
Consumption,  36,  100-105. 
Continuity,    Social,    40,    41,    196, 

3<H- 
Control,  Social,  68. 
Cooking,  101. 

Cooley,  Charles  Horton,  28. 
Copernicus,  Nicolas,  263,  285. 
Cornish,  Francis  Warre,  118. 
Cosmic  dualism,  162,  163. 

—  forces,  61. 

—  principles,  209,  212,  215. 
Cosmical  crises,  56. 
Cosmogonies,  261-264. 
Cosmology,  260-264,  282. 
Cosmos,  261. 

Court,  The,  172. 

Creation,  49,  143,  151,  233,  258. 

Creative  faculty,  259. 

—  genius.     See  Genius. 

—  synthesis,  Chapter  VI,  62,  297. 
Crime  and  the  criminal,  296,  297, 

307- 
Cross  fertilization,  213. 


3H 


Index 


Cross  fertilization  of  cultures,  209, 

211,  212,  225. 

Crowds,  Philosophy  of,  55. 

Crozier,  John  Beattie,  148,  308. 

Crusades,  283. 

Ctesibius,  275. 

Culture,  ^^,  41,  80,  117,  211-215, 

271. 
Cunning,  247-251,  254. 
Custom,  134. 

Darwin,  Charles,  68,  83,  169,  179, 
217,  286. 

— ,  Erasmus,  283,  286. 

Decadence,  Social,  204-207. 

Deception.     See  Cunning. 

Decimal  system,  275. 

Degeneracy,  Parasitic,  140. 

Degeneration,  Social,  204-207. 

De  Greef,  Guillaume,  5. 

Democracy,  154,  155. 

Democritus,  261. 

Demolins,  Edmond,  299. 

Density,  Dynamic,  213. 

Derivative  desires,  67. 

—  social  forces,  80. 

Descartes,  Rene,  264. 

Desire,  42,  65-67,  70-73,  78,  222, 
223,  245,  and  see  Emotions, 
Feelings,  Wants. 

Development,  267. 

Difference  of  potential,  208-216. 

Differential  attributes,  57-59. 

Differentiation,  210. 

— ,  Social,  87,  153,  182. 

Diplomacy,  251. 

Directive  agent,  Chapter  XVI,  61, 
160,  227,  246,  272. 

Disadvantageous  vs.  non-advan- 
tageous, 259. 

Distribution,  Age  of,  278. 

— ,  Social,  97-100,  302,  303. 

Domestication  of  animals,  31,  249, 
265,  279. 


Drama,  Greek,  282. 

Dress,  Evolution  of,  102. 

Dualism,  Cosmic,  162,  163. 

— ,  Ethical,  138-142,  172. 

— ,  Social,  193. 

Durkheim,  Emile,  24,  99,  180,  213 

Duty,  Primitive  meaning  of,  135. 

Dynamic  action,  73,  221-223. 

—  agent,   Chatter  VII,  76,    77, 
148,  160,  161,  231,  233-235,  272. 

—  density,  213. 

—  movements,  200-201. 

—  principles,  208-227. 
Dynamics,  159,  160. 
— ,  Biological,  286. 

— .Social,    Chapters     XIV    and 
XV,  160,  161. 

—  vs.  statics,  167,  199. 

Earthquakes,  83. 

Ebn  Junis,  276. 

Ecclesiastical      institutions.        See 

Church. 
Eclipses,  281. 
Economic  man,  240. 
Economics,  19,  20,  67,  89,  96,  97, 

239,  240. 
Economy  of  nature,  219,  220,  238, 

and  see  Nature. 
— ,  Telic,  238,  239,  and  see  Nature, 

Telesis,  and  Telic. 
Education,     Inadequacy    of     the 

prevalent,  257,  258,  306. 
— ,  Need  of  method  in,  17,  18,  21, 

25,  3°6>  307- 
— ,  Socialization  of,  306-310. 
Efficiency,    Social,    168,  169,    195, 

196,  214,  215. 
Efficient  causes.     See  Cause. 
Effort,  73,  225,  226. 
Egoistic  reason.     See  Reason. 
Egyptian     civilization,    144,    274, 

275,  280,  281. 
Electricity,  Age  of,  278. 


Index 


3J5 


Elimination  of  the  wayward,  68. 
Elite  of  mankind,  260,  303. 
Ellis,  Havelock,  112,  273. 
Ely,  Richard  T.,  99. 
Emancipation  of  the  intellect,  260, 

265. 
Emotional  forces,  308. 
Emotions,  65,  70-72,  118,  148,  and 

see  Desires,  Feelings,  Wants. 
Empedocles,  261. 
Empiricism,  271,  273,  280,  281. 
Energy,  69. 
— ,  Social,  132,  161,  170,  208,  219, 

226,  234. 

— .Surplus,  219,  220,  280. 

—  vs.  synergy,  1 61-164. 

Engineering,  275. 

England,   14,    15,    195,    297,    298, 

309- 

Ennui,  220. 

Environment  as  a  factor  in  evolu- 
tion, 178,  179. 

— .Effect  of  uniform,  210,  211. 

— .Knowledge  of  the,  231,  305. 

— ,  Resistance  of  the,  86,  165,  166, 
265,  272. 

— ,  Transformation  of  the,  34,  222- 

227,  255,  272,  273. 
Equilibration,  Cosmic,  163. 
— ,  Social,  154,  168. 
Equilibrium,  163,  212. 

— ,  Social,  283. 
Espinas,  Alfred,  1,  274. 
Esquimaux,  205. 
Essential  social  forces,  133. 
Ether,  57,  283. 

Ethical  dualism,  138-142,  172. 
Ethics,  19,  53,  172,  173,  294. 
Ethnography,  \g,  20. 
Euclid,  262. 

Europe,  88,  203,  214,  281. 
Evil,  Meaning  of,  84,  135,  307. 
Evolution,   10,   11,51,58,72,  218, 
230,  262,  283,  286,  287,  289. 


Evolution,    Social,    72,    197,   206, 

234,  288,  289. 
— ,  Sympodial,  11-15. 
—  vs.  revolution,  200. 
Exercise,  Lamarckian  law  of,  196. 
Exogamy,  191,  210. 
Expansion,  178,  179. 
Experimentation,  265. 
Exploitation,  87-92,  99,    248-253, 

272,  295. 

Factory,  The,  277,  297. 

Faculties,  Exercise  of  the,  259, 272. 

— .Objective.     See  Objective. 

— ,  Subjective.     See  Subjective. 

Fairbanks,  Arthur,  76. 

Family,  The,    171,    179,    180,  and 

Chapter  X. 
Fashion,  102. 

Favored  races.     See  Races. 
Feeling,  All,  primarily  intensive,  65. 

See  also  Desire,  Emotions,  Wants. 
— ,  Concealment  of,  77. 
— ,  Evolution  of,  56-58. 
Feeling  in  its  relations  to  function, 

68,  69,  82,  83,  134. 
— ,  Internal  vs.  external,  117. 
— ,  Language  of,  77. 
— ,  Objective,  243. 
— ,  Subjective,  244. 
Feelings,  The,   60-68,  117,  and  see 

Desires,  Emotions,  Wants. 
Female  courage,  129. 
— ,  Life  begins  as,  108. 
— ,  The,  forms  the   main   trunk  of 

the  race,  108,  129. 
Fertilization,  no,  113. 
Feudalism,  93,  96,  104,    118,    122, 

297. 
Feuds,  296. 
Filiation.     See   Hierarchy    of  the 

sciences. 
Final  cause,  58,  235-238,  246. 
First  cause,  69. 


316 


Index 


Force,  61,  76,  160,  162,  270. 

— ,  Social,  61. 

Forces,  35,  39,  67,  236-238,  269. 

— ,  Social.     See  Social  forces. 

Fouillee,  Alfred,  5. 

France,  14,  15,  195. 

Fuegians,  205. 

Function,  77,  166,  290. 

— ,  Language  of,  77-78. 

Functions,  Regulative,  290-292. 

Fustel  de  Coulanges,  112. 

Galton,  Francis,  102,  103. 
Geddes  and  Thomson,  1 1 2. 
Geneclexis,  III. 

Generalization    as    the    method  of 
science,  4,  26-30,  151,  284,  286. 
— ,  Process  of,  218,  233,  305. 

—  vs.  abstract  reasoning,  262. 
Genesis,  52-54,  62. 

—  of  mind,  255. 
Genius,  44,  256. 

— ,  Creative,  49,  52,  258. 

— ,  Inventive,  52,  256-258. 

— ,  Philosophic,  258-265. 

— ,  Scientific,  264,  265. 

Geology,  45,  84,  265. 

Geometry,  262,  263. 

Germany,  14,  195. 

Germ-plasm,  218. 

— ,  Social,  304. 

Giddings,  Franklin  H.,  5. 

Gilman,  Mrs.  Charlotte  Stetson,  1 1 2. 

God,  28,  69,  72,  84,  125. 

Goethe,  Wolfgang,  283,  286. 

Golden  Age,  The,  50,  172,  181, 
182,  205. 

Good,  The,  82,  135. 

Government,  268,  269. 

— ,  Primitive  germ  of,  68,  173, 
235,  291,  and  see  Group  senti- 
ment. 

Gravitant  forces,  162. 

Gravitation,  283,  2S5. 


Greatest  gain,  Law  of.  See  Parsi- 
mony. 

Greece,  Greek,  15,  37,  119,  139, 
144,  145,  261,  262,  263,  274, 
275,  281,  285,  293. 

Gregariousness,  180,  290. 

Group  sentiment  or  instinct  of 
safety,  68,  87,  133,  170-172, 
291,  293,  299. 

—  ownership,  92. 
Gumplowicz,    Ludwig,    176,     184- 

186,   194. 
Gunpowder,  Invention  of,  276. 
Gynaecocentric   theory,  The,  107- 

112. 
Gynaecocracy,  109. 
Gyneclexis,  HI,  119,  142. 

Haeckel,  Ernst,  69,  179. 

Hall,  G.  Stanley,  71. 

Happiness,  142,  305. 

Hate,  130,  131. 

Headley,  F.  W.,  286. 

Hegel,  Georg  Wilhelm  Friedrich, 

69. 
Heliocentric  system  or  theory,  285. 
Heraclitus,  261. 

Heredity,  Law  of,  165,  209,  218. 
— ,  Social,  208,  222,  304. 
Hero's  engine,  275. 
Heterogeneity,  Primitive,  of  races. 

See  Races. 
Hierarchy  of  the   sciences,    7-10, 

20,  54,  59. 
High  schools,  309. 
Historical  determinism,  28,  29. 

—  perspective,  28. 

—  races.     See  Races. 
History,  Sympodial,  13-15. 
Hobbes,  Thomas,  264. 
Homer,  274,  275. 
Homologues,  133. 

Horde,  87,  92,  no,  130,  138,  179- 
181,  291. 


Index 


317 


Howard,  George  E.,  1 1 2. 
Howells,  W.  D.,  50. 
Hugo,  Victor,  129. 
Human        achievements.  See 

Achievements. 

—  institutions.     See  Institutions. 

—  invention,  271-279. 

—  society,  1,  34. 
Humanitarianism,  140. 
Humboldt,    Alexander    von,    83, 

145- 
Hunger  and  love,  66,  71. 
Huxley,  Thomas  H.,  179. 
Hybridization,  196. 
Hylozoism,  69,  72. 
Hypotheses,  Scientific,  284-286. 

Ideals,  120,  258. 

Ideas,  233,  285. 

Ideation,  233. 

Idyllic     stage     of    society.       See 

Golden   Age. 
Illusion  of  the  near,  108. 
Imagination,    49,    142,    148,    253, 

258,  260. 
— ,  Scientific,  53. 

—  vs.  imitation,  142,  144. 
Imitation,  143,  144,  177,  202. 
Immortality,  46,  47,  71. 
Impulse,  75,  132. 

Incest,  210,  211. 
Increment,  The  social,  303. 
India,  177,  226,  280,  282. 
Indifferent    sensation.       See   Sen- 
sation. 
Indirection,  246-252. 
— ,  Material,  253-256. 
— ,  Moral,  248-252. 
Individual  morality.    See  Morality. 

—  preservation,  Forces  of,  78,  79. 

—  telesis.      See  Telesis. 
Individualism,  42,  43,  298,  299,  302. 
Industrial  arts,  38. 

—  institutions,  170. 


Industrial  systems,  40. 

Industry,  92,  292. 

Inequalities,  Social,  186,  187,  219. 

Inequality,  88. 

Infinite,  The,  141. 

Information,  Impartation  of,   149, 

Ingenuity,  253-255. 
Innovation,  208,  217-222. 
— ,  Social,  218-221. 
Inorganic  compounds,  57. 
Instability,  Social,  206,  207. 
Instinct  based  on  reason,  247. 

—  of  workmanship,  220. 

— ,  passions  erroneously  so  called, 

127. 
— ,  Purpose  of,  68,  157,  245. 
— ,  Social,  68. 

Institutions,  Ceremonial,  170,  171. 
— ,  Classification  of,  170,  171. 
— ,  Ecclesiastical.     See  Church. 
— ,  Educational,  308-310. 
— ,  Human,    t,t„  40,  88,  93,   125, 

133,  170-175,  195,  201,  234,  295. 
— ,  Juridical,  39,  170. 
— ,  Natural  origin  of,  170. 
— ,  Political,  170,  173. 
Integration,    Social,    87,   89,    153, 

182-184. 
Intellect,  57,  58,  240,  306. 
— ,  Emancipation  of  the,  260,  265. 

—  not  a  force  but  a  factor,  236- 
238. 

Intellectual  faculty,  259,  268. 

—  forces,  78,  148-158,  256,  259. 
Intelligence,    83,    151,     173,    271, 

3°6,  3°7- 

Intensive  sensation.    See  Sensation. 

Interbreeding,  210,  211. 

Interest,  30,  31,  68,  72,  73,  113, 
146,  148,  161,  189,  190,  230,  232, 
245,  250,  251,  289,  297,  310. 

—  unites,  principle  divides,  189. 
Interests,  Transcendental,  30,  289. 


3*8 


Index 


Interests,  Vested,  250,  309. 

Intuition,  243. 

Intuitive  perception,  243,  244. 

—  reason,  245,  246. 
Invention,  34,  37-39, 167,  200,  255, 

256,  269,  271-279,  282,  300. 

—  as  a  branch  of  education,  257, 
258. 

an  intellectual  passion,  255- 

258. 
— ,  Effects  of,  on  civilization,  279. 
— ,  Social,  299-303. 
— ,  Utility    the     object     of.       See 

Utility. 
Inventive    faculty,  The,   177,   178, 

254,  255,  259. 

—  genius.  See  Genius. 
Inventors,  255-258,  303. 
Iron,  271,  274. 

Italy,  15,  275. 

James,  William,  149. 
Japan, 144,  283. 
Jealousy,  130. 
Judgment,  232,  233. 
Jurisprudence,  19,  40,  172,  291. 
Justice,  Natural,  vs.  civil,  297. 

Kant,  Immanuel,  26,  245. 
Karyokinesis,  185. 
— ,  Social,  185-193,  212. 
Keller,  Albert  Galloway,  274. 
Kepler,  Johann,  285. 
Kidd,  Benjamin,  157. 
Kinetic  vs.  dynamic,  208. 
Kinship  groups,  1 16,  172,  180,  181. 
Knowledge,  4,  5,  43,  231,  303,  305. 
— ,  Acquisition   of,    149-155,   264, 

306-308. 
— ,  The  final  cause  consists  in,  236, 

237- 

Lability,  206,  207. 

Labor,  2,  89-92,  104,  220,  221. 


Laissez  faire,  207. 
Lamarck,  Jean,  119,  286. 
Land,  Property  in,  93. 
Language,    37,    77,   78,    170,   173, 

174,  180,  275,  281,  282. 
Law,  93,  172,  186,  187,  270,  292. 
— ,  Primordial   basis   of,    68,   170, 

172,  291,  and  see  Group    sen':- 

ment. 
Le  Bon,  Gustave,  55. 
Legal  regulation,  187,  291,  292. 

—  right.     See  Right. 
Legislation,  269,  270,  297. 
— ,  Attractive,  301,  302. 
— ,  Penal,  296,  301. 

Leibnitz,  Gottfried  Wilhelm,  264. 
Leisure,  Social  value  of,  104. 

—  class,  Sociological  significance 
of  the,  88,  96,  ill,  153,  154, 
219-221,  259,  260,  280,  282. 

Letourneau,  Charles,  20. 

Liberty,  Human,  301. 

Life,  56-58,  62,  82. 

— ,  Problem  of,  284-287. 

Lilienfeld,  Paul  von,  5. 

Linnaeus,  Carolus,  285. 

Literature,  37,  147,  174. 

Lloyd,  Henry  D.,  298. 

Locke,  John,  264. 

Logic,  24,  25. 

Loria,  Achille,  35. 

Love,  Conjugal,  123-127. 

— ,  Consanguineal,   130,   131,   138, 

139- 
— ,  Correlatives  of,  130,  141. 

—  forces,  66,  71,  113. 

— ,  Maternal,  127-129,  139,  193. 
— ,  Natural,  113-116,  122. 

—  of  achievement,  45,  46. 

country.    See  Patriotism. 

nature,  141,  145. 

the  helpless,  128,  136. 

— ,  Parental.  See  Parental  affec- 
tions. 


Index 


3l9 


Love,  Romantic,  1 16-123. 
Lyell,  Sir  Charles,  206. 

Machinery,  Era  of,  277. 
Machinofacture,  37,  41,  96,  277. 
Mackenzie,  John  Stuart,  22. 
Maine,   Sir   Henry   Sumner,   203, 

204. 
Male  efflorescence,  109,  119. 

—  sex,  Origin  of  the,  108,  109. 

—  sexual  selection,  III. 

—  superiority,  107. 

See  also  Androcentric. 
Man,  1,  57,  230,  234,  255,  295. 
— ,  Origin  of,  177,  181. 
— ,  Primitive.     See  Primitive  man. 
Manufactories,  96,  257,  277. 
Marginal  advantage,  30. 
Marriage,  no,  114,  126,  171,  210. 
Mason,  Otis  T.,  271,  273. 
Material  indirection,  253-256. 

—  wealth,  36,  95. 
Materialism,  Historical,  105. 
Materials,  Raw,  96. 
Maternal  love.     See  Love. 
Mathematics,    17,    159,   261,   262- 

264,  281. 
- — ,  Application  of,  to  sociology,  8, 

25,  26. 
Matriarchate  or  matriarchal  family, 

130,  180,  194,  290. 
Matter,  68,  69,  114,  226,  227,  255. 
Means  to  ends,  247. 
Mechanics,  159,  160,  161. 
— ,  Social,  159-161,  169,  201,  208. 
Mechanisms,  164. 
Mediaeval    period.      See    Middle 

Ages. 
Meliorism,  74,  75,  140. 
Memory,  275. 
— ,  Desire  presupposes,  70. 
Metals,  Early  use  of  the,  36,  274. 
Metaphysics,  261. 
Method  of  mind.     See  Mind. 


Method  of  nature.     See  Nature. 
Methodology,  Chapter  IV. 
Middle  Ages,  88,263,  276>  282»  283- 
Middle  class.     See  Bourgeoisie. 
Migration  of  men,   178,   179,  274, 

290. 
Militarism,  39,  96,  272,  291,  and 

see  War. 
Mill,  John  Stuart,  28. 
Mind  as  a  social  factor,  148,  150, 

— ,  Dual  nature  of,  63,  230. 

—  force,  69,  70. 

— ,  Genesis  of,  Chapters  XVII 
and  XVIII,  62,  68,  153. 

— ,  Phenomena  of,  260,  261. 

— ,  The  social,  55. 

— ,  The  method  of,  234,  235,  238- 
240,  279. 

Mining,  69. 

Miscegenation,  192. 

Misoneism,  206,  225. 

Modern  era,  The,  276-279. 

Mohammedanism,  282,  283. 

Molar  activities,  57. 

Molecular  activities,  57. 

Money,  94,  95. 

Monism,  141,  142,  162. 

Monogamy,  123-126. 

Monogenism,  177. 

Monopodial  branching,  12. 

Monopoly,  99,  124. 

Moral,  136,  142,  173. 

—  forces,  78,  133-142,  215,  256. 

—  indirection,  248-252. 
Morality,  Individual,  133,  135-138. 

—  of  restraint,  135. 

— ,  Race,  i33-!35>  I72>  294- 
Morals,    Primitive    basis   of.     See 

Group  sentiment. 
More,  Sir  Thomas,  264. 
Morgan,  Lewis  H.,  182. 
Morris,  William,  50. 
Morrison,  G.  S.,  271. 


32° 


Index 


Mos,  133,  170. 
Mother-right,  194. 
Motility,  57. 
Motives,  65,  84,  137. 
Music,  147. 
Mutuality,  125,  161. 
Mysticism,  115. 
Mythology,  156. 

Nation,  The,  192,  193,  247. 
Nations,  Origin  of,  14,  15,  186. 
Naturalists,  286. 
Natural  love.     See  Love. 

—  selection,   68,    III,    178,   209, 
242,  246,  286. 

Natura  naturans,  1 20,  225. 
Nature,  Creations  of,  53,  55-59. 

—  easily  managed  by  intelligence, 
227,  273,  288,  298. 

— ,  Fear  of,  83-85,  145. 

— ,  Imperfection  in,  49. 

— ,  Love  of,  141,  145. 

— ,  Method   of,    5,   52,   215,  220, 

234,  235,  238,  272,  279. 
— ,  Object  of,  68,  69,  72,  246. 
Necessity,  Social,  115. 
— ,  Spiritual,  146. 
Nervous  system,  118. 
Newspaper,  The,  250,  251. 
Newton,  Sir  Isaac,  264. 
Nietzsche,  Friedrich,  142. 
Nirvana,  74. 
Nisus  of  nature,  69. 
Nobility,  The,  154,  293. 
Noetic  phenomena,  239. 
Non-advantageous    faculties,    259, 

265,    272,    280. 
Noology,  260. 
Novicow,  Jacques,  176. 
Numerals,  37,  38. 
Nutrition,  100-105. 

Objective   faculties,  136,  230-233, 
234,  240-242. 


Objective  feeling,  243. 
Observation,  Scientific,  260-265. 
Ontogenetic  forces,  Chapter  IX, 

78,  79,  82,  112,  256. 
Operative  functions  of  society,  290, 

291. 
Optimism,  73,  74,  207. 
Order,  Sense  of,  172. 
— ,  The  social,  79,  169-175. 

—  of  the  sciences.     See  Hierarchy. 
Order  vs.  progress,  200-201. 
Organic  compounds,  57. 

—  evolution,  II,  72,  283,  and  see 
Evolution. 

—  structures,  239. 
Organization,  169. 
— ,  Social,  175,  268. 

Oriental    civilization,   38,   41,   42, 

144,  177,  282. 
Origin  of  species,  286. 
Original  social  forces,  67,  80. 
Ossification,  Social,  206. 

Pain,  66,  68,  78,  80,  101. 

—  and  pleasure  economy,  66,  101. 
Panmixia,  Social,  104. 
Paradoxes  of  the  social  forces,  81. 
Parasitic  degeneracy,  31,  140,  307. 
Parental   affections,    78,    127-131, 

139.  I72- 
Parsimony,    Law    of,    29-31,    140, 

301. 
Patents,  167. 
Paternity,   Tardy    recognition    of, 

no. 
Patriarchal  family  and  system,  no, 

121,  153,  194,  290. 
Patriotism,  139,  186,  192,  193. 
Patten,  Simon  N.,  66. 
Paupers,  Creation  of,  31,  307. 
Peace,  172,  214-216. 
People,  Formation  of  a,  186,  189- 

192. 
Perception,  232,  243-245. 


Index 


321 


Perceptive  faculties,  232. 

Percepts,  232. 

Perfectionment,  120,  122,  167,  209, 

306. 
Pessimism,  44,  74,  229,  230. 
Petrifaction,  200. 
Phenomena,  Physical,  57. 
— ,  Psychic,  57,  58,  148. 
— ,  Social,  235,  236. 
— ,  Telic,  239,  291. 
-,  Vital,  57,  58. 
Philanthropy,  140,  221. 
Philosophic  genius,  258-265. 
Philosophy,  37,  260265,  284,  286. 
— ,  Ancient,  16,  261,  262. 
— ,  Modern,  16,  284-287. 
— ,  Religion  a  branch  of,  156,  157. 
Philozoism,  140. 

Phoenician  civilization,  274,  275. 
Phylogenetic  forces,  Chapter  X, 

78,  79,  82,  256. 

—  — Classification   of  the,    112, 

US- 
Phylum,  79. 

Physical  social  forces,  78,  81. 
Physics,  17,  54,  84,  265. 
Plants  as  products  of  nature,  57. 
Plato,  261. 
Pleasure,  66,  68,  78,  80,  101,  231, 

242. 

—  economy,  66,  101. 
Pliny,  263. 

Plow,  The,  273,  274. 

Plutolatry,  95. 

Poesis,  52,  53,  208,  271. 

Poetic  idea,  51,  52. 

Poetry,  282. 

Polarity  in  nature,  162. 

Political  economy.    See  Economics. 

—  institutions,  39,  170,  173. 
Politics,  250. 

Polygamy  a  monopoly,  124. 
Polygenism,  177, 
Polygyny,  I IX. 


Population,  213. 
Positivity,  8. 

Potential,  Difference  of.  See  Dif- 
ference of  potential. 

—  vs.  kinetic  energy,  208. 
Pottery,  271,  273,  274. 
Poverty,  Abolition  of,  302. 
Predatory  animals  and  men,  185, 

246-251. 
Preservative  social  forces,  78. 
Priesthood,  96,  154,  272,  280,  281, 

290,  293. 
Frimates,  109. 
Primitive  man,  82,  138,  155,  156, 

182,    202,    235,    261,    271-273, 

280. 
Principle  of  advantage,  113,  209. 
Printing,   Invention  of,   264,  276, 

277. 
Production,  95-97,  278,  302. 
Products  of  nature,  57,  58. 
Professions,  The,  251. 
Progress,  224,  267. 
— ,    Conditions    to    human,    122, 

212-216,  267,  268,  272,  273. 
— ,  Social,  66,  122,  131,  200-202, 

207,    208,    212,    220,    223-225, 

228-230,  234,  267,  268,  279,  294, 

3°6,  307- 

Proletariat,  97,  250. 

Properties  distinguished  from  quali- 
ties, 231. 

— ,  How  a  knowledge  of,  is  ac- 
quired, 231,  232,  242-244. 

—  of  the  primary  products  of 
nature,  57,  58. 

— ,  Utilization  of,  236-237. 
Property,  92-95,  292. 
— ,  Communal,  92,  93. 
— ,  Individual,  92,  93. 
Prophecy  vs.  poetry,  51. 
Propinquity,  125. 
Protoplasm,  57,  58. 
— ,  Social,  180,  181. 


322 


Index 


Proximity  of  individuals,  124. 
Psychic  forces,  62,  154,  265. 

—  phenomena,  57,  58,  148. 
Psychologic  process,  The,  149-15 1, 

232,  233. 
Psychology,  8,  17,  54,  63,  261. 
— ,  Social,  84. 
Ptolemy,  263. 

Pure  sociology,  2,  3,  160,  213. 
Pythagoras,  261,  281. 

Quetelet,  Adolphe,  26. 

Race  amalgamation.     See  Amalga- 
mation. 

—  continuance,  Forces  of,  78,  79, 
81. 

—  elevation,  Forces  of,  78-80. 

—  hatred,  87,  131,  183,  186. 
— ,  Human,  272. 

—  mixture,  Laws  of,  HI,  192. 

—  morality.     See  Morality. 

—  safety,  134,  135,  171,  291. 
Races,  Cause  of  the  differences  in, 

38,  120,  121. 
— ,  Dominant,   41,    214-216,    238, 

272,  306. 
— .Favored,  41,  42,  272. 
— ,  Heterogeneity  of  primitive,  176, 

177,  181-183,  186. 
— ,  Historical,  41,  42,  88,  95,  155, 

202,  304. 
— ,  Lower,   195-196,   281,  and  see 

Primitive  man,  Savage. 
— .Struggle  of,  14,  15,  168,  184- 

189,  191,  194,  211-216,  292,  293. 
Radiant  energy,  57,  162. 
Railway,  Public  control  of  the,  297. 
Ratzenhofer,  Gustav,  30,  141,  176, 

184-186,  194. 
Reason,  68,  233,  245,  265. 
— ,  Egoistic,  137,  189. 

—  in  animals.     See  Animals. 

■ — .Intuitive,  178,  179,  245,  246. 


Reason  leads  to  pessimism,  74,  229. 

Reasoning,  155,  156. 

— ,  Abstract,  259,  262. 

Reformers  as  social  artists,  50,  51. 

Reforms,  Social,  202-204. 

Regulation,  Legal,  187,  291,  292. 

— ,  Social,  68,  290-295,  307. 

Relations,  79-82. 

Religion,  115,  119,  134,  171,  172, 
235.  250. 

— ,  Essential  nature  of,  68,  155- 
158. 

Representation,  Subjective  vs.  ob- 
jective, 136,  137. 

Representative  vs.  presentative  psy- 
chic phenomena,  70. 

Reproduction,  no,  113. 

— ,  Asexual,  209,  210. 

—  not  the  purpose  of  sex,  209. 

— ,  Social,  79. 

Reproductive  forces,  78,  79,  191. 

Revenue,  State,  297,  302. 

Revolution,  200. 

Ricardian  law,  98. 

Right,  Legal,  93,  94,  186-188,  292, 

293- 
Romanes,  George  J.,  217. 
Romantic  love,  1 16-123. 
Rome,   Roman,    15,  37,  119,   139, 

263,  275,  276. 
Ross,  Edward  Alsworth,   55,  138, 

172,  204. 
Ruling  Classes,  91,  93,  97,  99,  154. 
Ruse,  The,  246-248. 
Ruskin,  John,  50. 

Sabines,  Rape  of  the,  192. 
Sacerdotal  class.     See  Priesthood. 
Safety,  Group  sentiment   of.     See 

Group  sentiment. 
Saint  Simon,  Claude  Henri,  Comte 

de,  28. 
Sanction,  121,  125. 
Saracen  inventions,  276. 


Index 


3*3 


Savages,  82,  83,  90,  102,  no,  144, 
145,  153.  205. 

— ,  Progress  among,  178,  182,  202, 
203,  212. 

Scenery,  145. 

Schaeffle,  Albert  Eberhard  Fried- 
rich,  5. 

Schopenhauer,  Arthur,  69,  73,  147. 

Science,  1,  37,  269,  280,  281. 

— ,  Definitions  of,  3,  4,  61,  76,  265, 
269. 

— ,  Mission  of,  74,  279,  280. 

— ,  Progress  of,  4-5,  279-287. 

— ,  Relation  of,  to  religion,  155- 
158. 

Sciences,  Abstract  vs.  concrete, 
262. 

— ,  Classification  of  the,  Chapter 
II. 

— ,  Hierarchy  of  the.  See  Hier- 
archy. 

— ,  The  special  social,  18,  19,  20, 

54- 
Scientia  scientiarum,  54. 
Scientific   discovery,   5,   263,   264, 

279-287. 

—  genius.     See  Genius. 

—  spirit,  263-265. 
Sculpture,  147,  282. 

Sea,  Origin  of  life  in  the,  72. 
Secondary  sexual  characters,  109. 
Seele,  71. 

Selection,  109-111. 
Self-activity,  69. 
Self-awareness,  58. 
Self-consciousness,  72. 
Self-education,  149. 
Self-preservation,  31. 
Sensation,  230-232,  242. 
— ,  Indifferent,  230-232,  242. 
— ,    Intensive,    65,    66,    136,   230- 

232,  242. 
Senses,  231. 
Sex,  Purpose  of,  209,  210,  217,  218. 


Sexes,  Relations  between  the,  107, 

121,  125,  129. 
Sexual  forces,  78. 

—  passion,  114,  116. 

—  selection,  in,  142. 
Sexuality,  210. 
Shintoism,  42. 
Shrewdness,  250. 
Simmel,  Georg,  176. 
Simons,  Sarah  E.,  176. 
Slave  trade,  89. 

Slavery,    88-92,  95,  98,   185,  272, 

274,  295. 
Slavs,  14. 

Small,  Albion  W.,  16,  24,  142. 
Sociability,  1,  138,  295. 
Social  achievement,  Part  V. 

—  forces,  Action  of,  in  the  sponta- 
neous development  of  society, 
Part  III. 

are  the  feelings  and  desires 

of  men,  64,  71,  76,  301. 

,  Classification  of  the,  Chap- 
ter VIII,  78,  133. 

,  Control  of  the,  85,  295. 

,  Nature  of  the.     Part  II. 

,   Origin  of   the,  Chapters 

VI  and  VII. 

,  Primary  and  natural,  62,  66, 

67.  7'>  233- 

—  — ,  Utilization  of  the,  84,  85, 
299. 

Socialization,  79,  234,  270,  289, 
290. 

—  of  achievement,  Chapter  XX. 
education,  309. 

wealth,  98. 

Society,  116,  202. 

—  as  a  product  of  nature,  57,  58, 
268-270. 

— ,  Duty  of,  304,  307. 

— ,  Functions  of,  290. 

— ,  Origin  of,  179,  181,  184,  197. 

— ,  Prime  agents  of,  60,  61. 


324 


Index 


Sociogenetic  forces,  Chapter  XI, 

78,  79,82,  112,234,  256. 
Sociologist,  The,  4-6,  17,  18,  21, 

22,44,45,  85,  "6. 
Sociology  as  a  science,  Chapter  I, 

21,  24,  29,  62,  67,  160,  184,  269, 

300. 
— ,  Constructive,  169. 
— ,  Data  of,  Chapter  III. 
— ,  Historical  basis  of,  32,  33. 
— ,  Importance  of,  21,  22. 
— ,  Mathematical,  3,  25,  26,  160. 
— ,  Mission  of,  21-23. 
— ,  Physical  basis  of,  11. 
— ,  Progress  of,  5,  6. 
— ,  Psychologic  basis  of,  63,  239, 

240. 
— ,  Pure,  2,  3,  160,  213. 
— ,  Relation  of,  to  other  sciences, 

8,  17-20,  22. 
— ,  Relation  of,  to  the  special  social 

sciences,  18-20,  54. 
— ,  Subject-matter  of,  Chapter  V, 

32,  74- 
Socrates,  261. 
Solar  system,  262. 
Soul  of  the  universe,  69. 
— ,  The,  71,  72,  73,  147. 
Spain,  15. 
Specialization,  108. 
Species,  Transmutation  of,  286. 
Speculation,    Philosophical,    260- 

262,  284,  285. 
Spencer,  Herbert,  8,  68,  136,  142, 

171,  202,  217,  286,  290. 
Spinoza,  Benedict,  264. 
Spirit  of  nature,  69. 
Spiritual  civilization,  35,  224. 

—  forces,  78,  81. 

—  nature  of  matter,  227. 
Spontaneous    development   of  so- 
ciety, Part  III. 

Sports,  Biological,  218. 
Stability,  Social,  206. 


Stability  vs.  lability,  206-208. 

Stage,  The  metaphysical,  113. 

— ,  The  positive,  1 14. 

Stagnation,  Social,  202-204. 

State,  The,  93,  186-189,  292—295, 
307-310. 

— ,  — ,  the  condition  to  achieve- 
ment, 190-191,  294. 

Statics,  159,  160. 

— ,  Biological,  286. 

— ,  Social,  Chapters  XII  and 
XIII,  160,  169,  199,  208. 

—  vs.  dynamics,  167,  199. 
Steam  engine,  275,  277. 
Stomach,  101. 

Stone,  Age  and  early  use  of,  271. 
Strains,  Crossing  of,  210. 
Strategy,  251. 
Structure  vs.  function,  166. 
Structures,  Artificial,  164,  167. 
— ,  Chemical,  163. 
— ,  Cosmic,  163. 

— ,  Obsolete  and  obsolescent,  88. 
— ,  Organic,  164,  165,  167. 
— ,  Psychic,  164,  170. 
— ,  Social,  164,  167-169,  174,  175, 
199,    200,    207,    208,    217,    234, 

239- 
— ,  Telic,  239. 
Struggle  for  existence,  74,  86,  87, 

168,    169,    178,    259,    263,   272, 

280,  283,  290. 
structure,  168,  169. 

—  of  races.     See  Races. 
Stuckenberg,  John  H.  W.,  76,  286. 
Study,  Purpose  of  sociological,  20- 

22. 
— ,  The  true  order  of,  9. 
Style,  25. 

Subjection  of  woman.    See  Woman. 
Subjective  faculties,  64,  136,  230. 
,  Biologic  origin  of  the,  68. 

—  feeling,  244. 
Subjugation,  88. 


Index 


3*5 


Subsistence,  Struggle  for,  86,  87, 

205. 
Sun-dial,  275. 
Supply  and  demand,  310. 
Surplus,  The,  97,  98,  292. 
Survival  of  the  fittest,  68,  168,  238, 

242,  244,  272. 

social,  272. 

Switzerland,  145. 
Sympathy,  80,  128,  296. 

—  a  form  of  reason,  136,  137,  148. 
Sympodes,  59. 

— ,  Anthropologic,  14,  15. 
Sympodial  branching,  12,  58. 

—  development,    1 1— 15,    58,    59, 
205. 

Synergy,  1 61-165,  J^3>  x^4>  2°9- 
— ,  Social,  79,  161-165,  167,  169, 

184,  193,  194,  196,  208,  212. 
Synthesis  of  work,  162. 
Synthetic     creations     of     nature, 

Chapter  VI,  52,  59,  145,  297. 
,  Table  of  the,  57. 

Tarde,  Gabriel,  162,  176,  277. 

Teleclexis,  III. 

Telegraph,  Invention  of  the,  278. 

Teleology,  269. 

Telesis,  237,  268. 

— ,  Collective,  268-270,  289,  290, 

303. 

— ,  Individual,  268,  270,  288-290, 

303,  306,  310. 
— ,  Social,  234,  235,  290. 
Telic  action,  289. 

—  agent  or  faculty,  Part  IV,  253, 
256,  270,  289. 

,   Action    of    the,   in    social 

achievement,  Part  V. 

—  causes,  57,  60,  61. 

—  method,  5,  234,  235,  238,  239, 
247,  251. 

—  phenomena,  239,  291. 
Temperament,  121. 


Tentation,  243. 

Thales,  261,  281. 

Theories,  Scientific,  284,  286. 

Third  estate,  293. 

Thought    a     product    of    creative 

synthesis,  56-58. 
Tocological  classification,  10. 
Tools,  34,  254,  271. 

—  of  the  mind,  37,  38,  309. 
Transformation    of    the     environ- 
ment.    See  Environment. 

Transforming  agencies,  72. 
Transmutation  of  species,  72. 
Truth  a  product  of  reason  applied 

to  facts,  150,  151,  262. 
Truth,  Definition  of,  151,262. 
— ,  Discovery  of,  149-15 1. 

—  the  natural  food  of  the  mind,  307. 
Tylor,  Edward  B.,  27,  206. 

United  States  of  America,  297,  309. 

Units,  Social,  195. 

Universities,  283,  309. 

Utilities,  280. 

— ,  Perception    of,  254,  255,    269, 

278. 
Utility  the  object  of  invention,  254, 

256-258,  273,  278. 

—  vs.  necessity,  81. 

Variation,  Fortuitous,  217,  218. 
— ,  Organic,  72, 113,  165,  210,  217, 

218. 
Veblen,  Thorstein,  96,  220,   248. 
Veddahs,  205. 
Vested  interests,  250,  309. 
Vestiges,  Social,  135. 
Vibration,  57,  70. 
Vice,  135. 

Vico,  Giovanni  Battista,  264. 
Vinci,  Leonardo  da,  264. 
Virtue,  135. 

Vital  phenomena,  57,  58. 
Vocal  organs,  173. 


326 


Index 


Wages,  Iron  law  of,  98. 

Wallace,  Alfred  Russel,  284. 

Wants,  27,  101,  102,  289. 

See  also  Desires,  Emotions,  Feel- 
ings. 

War,  Causes  and   social  effects  of, 
87,  131,  179,  183,  188,  213-216. 

Warfare,  Civilized,  247,  276. 

Waste,  96,  238,  239,  270,  279,  292, 
301. 

Wealth,  36,  94,  99,  190,  192,  290. 

Weapons,  Primitive,  178,  184,  254, 
271,  273. 

Westermarck,  Edward,  1 1 2. 

Western    civilization,  41,  42,   214, 
226. 


Westward  movement,  274-276. 

White,  Andrew  D.,  158. 

Will,  The,  58,  69,  73-75,  I47»  241, 

242. 
— ,  —  group,  291. 
Willoughby,  W.  W.,  98,  292. 
Wilson,  George  Grafton,  19. 
Winship,  Albert  Edward,  308. 
Woman,  88,    108,   109,    no,   122 

123,  273. 
— (Subjection   of,    no,   112,    191, 

192,  235. 
Work,  Synthesis  of,  162. 
Workmanship,  Instinct  of,  220. 
Written  language.     See  Language. 
Wundt,  Wilhelm,  48. 


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—  The  Churchman. 


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